Pelanggaran terhadap hak konsumen disebabkan beberapa faktor. Di antaranya faktor sikap pelaku usaha yang sering memandang konsumen sebagai pihak yang mudah dieksploitasi dan dipengaruhi untuk mengonsumsi segala bentuk barang/jasa yang ditawarkan. Faktor ini diperparah dengan kurang mengertinya masyarakat umum sebagai konsumen terhadap hak-haknya. Jika haknya diabaikan, konsumen tidak bisa berbuat apa-apa karena memang tidak tahu dan tidak sadar. Ketika sadar, mereka justru tidak mengerti bagaimana tata cara atau prosedur pengaduan dan penuntutan atas hak-haknya yang dilanggar.
Ingin berdiskusi soal Hak-Hak Konsumen?
Kami undang Anda di Talkshow Buku Hak-Hak Konsumen (VisiMedia),
bersama: Happy Susanto
Sabtu, 6 Desember 2008
Waktu : 19.45-21.00 WIB
di Balai Kunthi
Gedung Mandala Bhakti Wanitatama
Acara ini tergelar dalam rangkaian Pesta Buku Murah Jogja: 5 Hari Obral Buku Cuci Gudang Akhir Tahun di Gedung Mandala Bhakti Wanitatama, 4-8 Desember 2008
www.visimediapustaka.com
Monday, December 1, 2008
Monday, August 11, 2008
Promosi Buku "Hak-hak Konsumen JIka Dirugikan" di Solo 9 Agustus 2008
Run Down Acara Super Pesta Buku Murah Solo 2008 "The Spirit of Book"
Graha Wisata Niaga Solo, 06-10 Agustus 2008
Rabu, 06 Agustus 2008
15.00-16.30 : Workshop Keterampilan "Aneka Aksesoris dari Roti Tawar"
oleh Dwi Ani (Gradien Mediatama) di panggung II
19.30-21.00 : Pentas Band "The Glow" Bandung, Games, dan Talkshow
Buku "Kutu Kupret Sandal Jepret; Berani Buang Berani Sial" oleh
Michan (Gradien Mediatama) di Panggung I
Kamis, 07 Agustus 2008
10.00-12.00 : Workshop "Jarimatika" oleh Septi Peni W (Kawan Pustaka)
di Panggung I
Jum'at, 8 Agustus 2008
18.30-20.00 : Talkshow Buku "Mukjizat Gerakan Sholat" oleh Dr.
Sagiran (QultumMedia) di Panggung II
Sabtu, 09 Agustus 2008
10.00-12.00 : Workshop Penulisan Guru #1 oleh Redaksi Agromedia Group
di Panggung I
13.00-15.00 : Workshop Penulisan Guru #2 oleh Redaksi Agromedia Group
di Panggung I
15.30-16.30 : Talkshow "Humor Ganas" oleh Setyawan Tiada Tara
(Indonesia Tera) di Panggung I
16.00-17.30 : Talkshow Buku "Hak-hak Konsumen Jika Dirugikan" oleh
Happy Susanto (Visi Media) di Panggung II
19.30-20.00 : Talkshow Buku "Istikharah Cinta" oleh Shodik
(QultumMedia) di Panggung II
20.00-21.30 : Talkshow Buku "Asoy, Geboy, Bohay; Cerita Jayus
Mahasiswa Gokil" oleh M. Yudhi (Gradien Mediatama) di Panggung II
Minggu, 10 Agustus 2008
10.00-11.30 : Workshop Keterampilan "Membuat Bross Cantik dari Manik-
Manik" oleh Eryza Susilo (QultumMedia) di Panggung II
11.30-13.00 : Workshop Keterampilan "Aneka Kreasi Kain Flanel" oleh
Retguntari (QultumMedia) di Panggung II
13.00-15.00 : Bengkel Penulisan Remaja oleh GagasMedia di Panggung II
16.00-17.30 : Talkshow Buku "Muka Marketplace" oleh Aca (Bukuné) di
Panggung II
19.00-21.30 : Talkshow Buku "Babi Ngesot" oleh Raditya Dika (Bukuné)
di Panggung II
Graha Wisata Niaga Solo, 06-10 Agustus 2008
Rabu, 06 Agustus 2008
15.00-16.30 : Workshop Keterampilan "Aneka Aksesoris dari Roti Tawar"
oleh Dwi Ani (Gradien Mediatama) di panggung II
19.30-21.00 : Pentas Band "The Glow" Bandung, Games, dan Talkshow
Buku "Kutu Kupret Sandal Jepret; Berani Buang Berani Sial" oleh
Michan (Gradien Mediatama) di Panggung I
Kamis, 07 Agustus 2008
10.00-12.00 : Workshop "Jarimatika" oleh Septi Peni W (Kawan Pustaka)
di Panggung I
Jum'at, 8 Agustus 2008
18.30-20.00 : Talkshow Buku "Mukjizat Gerakan Sholat" oleh Dr.
Sagiran (QultumMedia) di Panggung II
Sabtu, 09 Agustus 2008
10.00-12.00 : Workshop Penulisan Guru #1 oleh Redaksi Agromedia Group
di Panggung I
13.00-15.00 : Workshop Penulisan Guru #2 oleh Redaksi Agromedia Group
di Panggung I
15.30-16.30 : Talkshow "Humor Ganas" oleh Setyawan Tiada Tara
(Indonesia Tera) di Panggung I
16.00-17.30 : Talkshow Buku "Hak-hak Konsumen Jika Dirugikan" oleh
Happy Susanto (Visi Media) di Panggung II
19.30-20.00 : Talkshow Buku "Istikharah Cinta" oleh Shodik
(QultumMedia) di Panggung II
20.00-21.30 : Talkshow Buku "Asoy, Geboy, Bohay; Cerita Jayus
Mahasiswa Gokil" oleh M. Yudhi (Gradien Mediatama) di Panggung II
Minggu, 10 Agustus 2008
10.00-11.30 : Workshop Keterampilan "Membuat Bross Cantik dari Manik-
Manik" oleh Eryza Susilo (QultumMedia) di Panggung II
11.30-13.00 : Workshop Keterampilan "Aneka Kreasi Kain Flanel" oleh
Retguntari (QultumMedia) di Panggung II
13.00-15.00 : Bengkel Penulisan Remaja oleh GagasMedia di Panggung II
16.00-17.30 : Talkshow Buku "Muka Marketplace" oleh Aca (Bukuné) di
Panggung II
19.00-21.30 : Talkshow Buku "Babi Ngesot" oleh Raditya Dika (Bukuné)
di Panggung II
Saturday, July 12, 2008
Telah terbit buku baru tentang perlindungan konsumen
Buku ini merupakan buku ketiga saya tentang hukum (sebelum membahas hukum nikah Islam dan hukum gono-gini):
Judul: HAK-HAK KONSUMEN JIKA DIRUGIKAN
Penulis: Happy Susanto
Penerbit: Visimedia Pustaka
Terbitan: Juli, 2008
Ukuran buku: 15 x 23 cm
Tebal viii+108 hal
ISBN 979-104-397-3
Harga: Rp 22.500,00
Abstrak:
Pelanggaran terhadap hak konsumen disebabkan beberapa faktor. Di antaranya faktor sikap pelaku usaha yang sering memandang konsumen sebagai pihak yang mudah dieksploitasi dan dipengaruhi untuk mengonsumsi segala bentuk barang/jasa yang ditawarkan. Faktor ini diperparah dengan kurang mengertinya masyarakat umum sebagai konsumen terhadap hak-haknya. Jika haknya diabaikan, konsumen tidak bisa berbuat apa-apa karena memang tidak tahu dan tidak sadar. Ketika sadar, mereka justru tidak mengerti bagaimana tata cara atau prosedur pengaduan dan penuntutan atas hak-haknya yang dilanggar.
Buku ini mengajak kita semua, para konsumen, untuk mencermati masalah-masalah perlindungan konsumen, termasuk soal hak dan tata cara pengaduan jika dirugikan. Buku ini juga dilengkapi prosedur pengaduan yang dapat dilakukan oleh konsumen, serta dilengkapi alamat badan penyelesaian sengketa konsumen (BPSK) dan lembaga perlindungan konsumen swadaya masyarakat (LPKSM) se-Indonesia. Harapannya, konsumen yang dirugikan bisa segera bertindak sebelum kerugian yang ditanggung semakin besar. Dengan kata lain, menjadi bijak sebelum diinjak-injak.
Salam,
Happy Susanto
08174849877
hpysusanto@yahoo.co.id
VISI MEDIA
Jl. H. Montong No. 57
Ciganjur-Jagakarsa
Jakarta Selatan 12630
Phone: 021 788 83030
Fax: 021 727 0996
Judul: HAK-HAK KONSUMEN JIKA DIRUGIKAN
Penulis: Happy Susanto
Penerbit: Visimedia Pustaka
Terbitan: Juli, 2008
Ukuran buku: 15 x 23 cm
Tebal viii+108 hal
ISBN 979-104-397-3
Harga: Rp 22.500,00
Abstrak:
Pelanggaran terhadap hak konsumen disebabkan beberapa faktor. Di antaranya faktor sikap pelaku usaha yang sering memandang konsumen sebagai pihak yang mudah dieksploitasi dan dipengaruhi untuk mengonsumsi segala bentuk barang/jasa yang ditawarkan. Faktor ini diperparah dengan kurang mengertinya masyarakat umum sebagai konsumen terhadap hak-haknya. Jika haknya diabaikan, konsumen tidak bisa berbuat apa-apa karena memang tidak tahu dan tidak sadar. Ketika sadar, mereka justru tidak mengerti bagaimana tata cara atau prosedur pengaduan dan penuntutan atas hak-haknya yang dilanggar.
Buku ini mengajak kita semua, para konsumen, untuk mencermati masalah-masalah perlindungan konsumen, termasuk soal hak dan tata cara pengaduan jika dirugikan. Buku ini juga dilengkapi prosedur pengaduan yang dapat dilakukan oleh konsumen, serta dilengkapi alamat badan penyelesaian sengketa konsumen (BPSK) dan lembaga perlindungan konsumen swadaya masyarakat (LPKSM) se-Indonesia. Harapannya, konsumen yang dirugikan bisa segera bertindak sebelum kerugian yang ditanggung semakin besar. Dengan kata lain, menjadi bijak sebelum diinjak-injak.
Salam,
Happy Susanto
08174849877
hpysusanto@yahoo.co.id
VISI MEDIA
Jl. H. Montong No. 57
Ciganjur-Jagakarsa
Jakarta Selatan 12630
Phone: 021 788 83030
Fax: 021 727 0996
Thursday, June 5, 2008
Observing the Phenomena of Religious Radicalism
By Happy Susanto
The Marriot Hotel’s bombing and previous bombings indicate that the “religious radicalism” movement is a dangerous latent power that suddenly emerges. Violence in the name of religion leads to a situation where religion is enduring a critical historical test. Religion’s pendulum hangs on the perception and behavior of its disciples and swings toward two sides, ‘humanization’ or ‘dehumanization’.
Violence has been occurring for a long time. Violence is used as the effective means to fulfill the desire of individuals or groups of very complex matters. Violence is descending upon religions.
Within the fading attraction of modernity, as conveyed by Max Weber, the attraction of religion is fading too. For a long time, research in Islamic thinking focused on the debate about the relation between tradition (religion) and modernity (transformation)
Anyone who tends to reject modernity and uphold the function of religion’s formal role would tend toward the attitude of ‘fundamentalism’, and vice versa. While people who consider modernity as the only reality which could not be denied by shifting religious role, have a tendency to ‘secularism’; separating religion from the worldly life and separating religion from politics and the state.
Violence results from the polarization of both parties. Violence often is committed by the religious fundamentalist group because they are often marginalized and oppressed by the secular power of the authorities such that there is no other means of struggle except violence.
The Genealogy of Radicalism
Sometimes we often generalize the terms of ‘fundamentalism’ and ‘radicalism’. Yet, both are different although they are originated from the same root. Fundamentalism (al-ushuliyah) is a belief to return to the fundaments of religion. It could be positive or negative. Negative excess caused by the fundamentalist view is an attitude of violence (extreme radicalism).
Radical groups often use violence to fulfill their desire or interest. But, radical groups are not identical to violence. In this article, what is meant as religious radicalism is ‘the rigid religious attitude which contains violence”. It is mentioned in order to simplify the categorization.
The genealogy of religious radicalism appears due to many reasons. In the case of Islam, Hassan Hanafi (2001) mentions that at least there are two reasons behind the violence in contemporary Islam. Firstly, it is due to the oppression of the prevailing political regimes. Islamic groups have no freedom of opinion. Secondly, the failures of secular ideology of the prevailing regime, hence the present of religious fundamentalism or radicalism are considered as ideological alternative as the only choice for Muslim communities.
Violence within religion appears due to the lack of capability to face modernity and transformation. It should be highlighted that fundamentalism is the movement’s spirit of religious radicalism. Reading of fundamentalism has been done by Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby in Fundamentalisms Observed (Chicago and London, 1991). They affirmed that those fundamentalisms are a defense mechanism which appears as a reaction over the threatening crisis. It is the circumstantial crisis that determines their existence. Karen Armstrong (2000) has written also that the growing fundamentalism currently has a strong connection to modernity.
Since radicalism appears as a response to modernity we had better see the relation between tradition and modernity objectively. Modernity contained many negative excess too. We can’t deny that the influence of modernity implicate destruction of humanity’s existence. Modernity should be anticipated. But, anticipation does not cause a total denial in the name of religion. Modernity is a historical phase where there are positive and negative sides.
The solution for violence.
Violence is not a wise strategy for facing the world’s polarization due to the great upshot of modernity. Islam has many thoughtful frameworks for actualizing peace in the world. But exploration over the meaning of peace in Islam is contaminated by several violent attitudes by radical movements. The task of religionists is to find a solution to this violence, since violence is not an Islamic teaching.
The fact that some actors of bombing or terrorism come from religious Islamic groups can be justified by radical Islam. But, is Islam like that? No. whatever is done by the radical Islamic movement contains conditional complexity. It means that under the shield of religion, what they have done is participate in political, ideological and non religious interests. So, it is not due to a narrow religious interpretation.
Using Michael Foucault’s analysis, what has been done by radical Islam group has led religion toward its relation between knowledge and power. The discourse of knowledge of radical Islam group is that God’s law should be implemented in human life. In political terms, the discourse is a unification of ad-dien wad-daulah (religion and state). But the notion (knowledge) of religion is strengthened by the authority’s apparatus. Hence, the movement contains an ideological element. Negative excess due to violence leads religion to have a bad face. That’s why religion and power should be separated.
Since violence is the consequence of modernity, so Peter L. Berger (2003) suggested two strategies for responding to modernity and secularization: ‘religious revolution’ and ‘religion subcultures’. The former is how clerics are capable to transform the society totally and present the modern model of religion. The later is how our effort is to prevent outside influences from affecting religion.
This radical Islam movement emerges due to a rather textual, narrow, and black-white religious understanding. This understanding would easily lead the reader toward a rigid religiosity. Religious reading is being detached from its historical context. Religious understanding is dynamic. That’s why an open reading would deter us from the violence attitude.
Solutions suggested in facing religious radicalism are: firstly, demonstrate Islam as the universal teaching giving direction toward the creation of peace on the earth. Secondly, there must be action to reject violence and terrorism. This action involves all groups within religions which do not desire violence. Terrorism and violence is a form of despising the name of religion and humanity.
Thirdly, it is the time to raise a moderate religious characteristic and understand life’s dynamics by accepting “the other’s” thinking plurality outside of this group. A moderate plurality would eliminate polarization between fundamentalism and secularism in facing modernity and transformation. The middle Islam (ummatan wasathan) would form an Islam characterized by being democratic, open and rational.
Islam fulfills humanity and summons peace as well. It is our task to deliver a positive image for Islam which is indeed humanist and is against violence. Only history would prove whether religion can be present as it is wished for. Wallahu a’lam.
The article retrieved from: http://islamlib.com/en/page.php?page=article&id=657
The Marriot Hotel’s bombing and previous bombings indicate that the “religious radicalism” movement is a dangerous latent power that suddenly emerges. Violence in the name of religion leads to a situation where religion is enduring a critical historical test. Religion’s pendulum hangs on the perception and behavior of its disciples and swings toward two sides, ‘humanization’ or ‘dehumanization’.
Violence has been occurring for a long time. Violence is used as the effective means to fulfill the desire of individuals or groups of very complex matters. Violence is descending upon religions.
Within the fading attraction of modernity, as conveyed by Max Weber, the attraction of religion is fading too. For a long time, research in Islamic thinking focused on the debate about the relation between tradition (religion) and modernity (transformation)
Anyone who tends to reject modernity and uphold the function of religion’s formal role would tend toward the attitude of ‘fundamentalism’, and vice versa. While people who consider modernity as the only reality which could not be denied by shifting religious role, have a tendency to ‘secularism’; separating religion from the worldly life and separating religion from politics and the state.
Violence results from the polarization of both parties. Violence often is committed by the religious fundamentalist group because they are often marginalized and oppressed by the secular power of the authorities such that there is no other means of struggle except violence.
The Genealogy of Radicalism
Sometimes we often generalize the terms of ‘fundamentalism’ and ‘radicalism’. Yet, both are different although they are originated from the same root. Fundamentalism (al-ushuliyah) is a belief to return to the fundaments of religion. It could be positive or negative. Negative excess caused by the fundamentalist view is an attitude of violence (extreme radicalism).
Radical groups often use violence to fulfill their desire or interest. But, radical groups are not identical to violence. In this article, what is meant as religious radicalism is ‘the rigid religious attitude which contains violence”. It is mentioned in order to simplify the categorization.
The genealogy of religious radicalism appears due to many reasons. In the case of Islam, Hassan Hanafi (2001) mentions that at least there are two reasons behind the violence in contemporary Islam. Firstly, it is due to the oppression of the prevailing political regimes. Islamic groups have no freedom of opinion. Secondly, the failures of secular ideology of the prevailing regime, hence the present of religious fundamentalism or radicalism are considered as ideological alternative as the only choice for Muslim communities.
Violence within religion appears due to the lack of capability to face modernity and transformation. It should be highlighted that fundamentalism is the movement’s spirit of religious radicalism. Reading of fundamentalism has been done by Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby in Fundamentalisms Observed (Chicago and London, 1991). They affirmed that those fundamentalisms are a defense mechanism which appears as a reaction over the threatening crisis. It is the circumstantial crisis that determines their existence. Karen Armstrong (2000) has written also that the growing fundamentalism currently has a strong connection to modernity.
Since radicalism appears as a response to modernity we had better see the relation between tradition and modernity objectively. Modernity contained many negative excess too. We can’t deny that the influence of modernity implicate destruction of humanity’s existence. Modernity should be anticipated. But, anticipation does not cause a total denial in the name of religion. Modernity is a historical phase where there are positive and negative sides.
The solution for violence.
Violence is not a wise strategy for facing the world’s polarization due to the great upshot of modernity. Islam has many thoughtful frameworks for actualizing peace in the world. But exploration over the meaning of peace in Islam is contaminated by several violent attitudes by radical movements. The task of religionists is to find a solution to this violence, since violence is not an Islamic teaching.
The fact that some actors of bombing or terrorism come from religious Islamic groups can be justified by radical Islam. But, is Islam like that? No. whatever is done by the radical Islamic movement contains conditional complexity. It means that under the shield of religion, what they have done is participate in political, ideological and non religious interests. So, it is not due to a narrow religious interpretation.
Using Michael Foucault’s analysis, what has been done by radical Islam group has led religion toward its relation between knowledge and power. The discourse of knowledge of radical Islam group is that God’s law should be implemented in human life. In political terms, the discourse is a unification of ad-dien wad-daulah (religion and state). But the notion (knowledge) of religion is strengthened by the authority’s apparatus. Hence, the movement contains an ideological element. Negative excess due to violence leads religion to have a bad face. That’s why religion and power should be separated.
Since violence is the consequence of modernity, so Peter L. Berger (2003) suggested two strategies for responding to modernity and secularization: ‘religious revolution’ and ‘religion subcultures’. The former is how clerics are capable to transform the society totally and present the modern model of religion. The later is how our effort is to prevent outside influences from affecting religion.
This radical Islam movement emerges due to a rather textual, narrow, and black-white religious understanding. This understanding would easily lead the reader toward a rigid religiosity. Religious reading is being detached from its historical context. Religious understanding is dynamic. That’s why an open reading would deter us from the violence attitude.
Solutions suggested in facing religious radicalism are: firstly, demonstrate Islam as the universal teaching giving direction toward the creation of peace on the earth. Secondly, there must be action to reject violence and terrorism. This action involves all groups within religions which do not desire violence. Terrorism and violence is a form of despising the name of religion and humanity.
Thirdly, it is the time to raise a moderate religious characteristic and understand life’s dynamics by accepting “the other’s” thinking plurality outside of this group. A moderate plurality would eliminate polarization between fundamentalism and secularism in facing modernity and transformation. The middle Islam (ummatan wasathan) would form an Islam characterized by being democratic, open and rational.
Islam fulfills humanity and summons peace as well. It is our task to deliver a positive image for Islam which is indeed humanist and is against violence. Only history would prove whether religion can be present as it is wished for. Wallahu a’lam.
The article retrieved from: http://islamlib.com/en/page.php?page=article&id=657
Kelantan Sultanate
1. History
Little is known about the early years of Kelantan history. Some records and notes kept by the European and the Chinese people snap only parts of Kelantan’s picture in the past. They tell us about the origin of Kelantan as an administered land. Below are the aforementioned brief records:
1. According to the records of Claudius Ptolemy, the Greek geographer and astronomer, in his book Geography of Eastern Asia written in the second century, there are three locations laid in the East shore of Semenanjung Melayu (Malay Peninsula): “Kole Polis”, “Primula”, and “Tharra”.
2. G.E. Gerini, an Italian researcher, said that “Kole Polis” located in Kelantan. He contended that the name of Kelantan is derived from two combined words: “Kolo” and “Thana” or “Tanah” to become “Kolathana”, “Kolamtanah”, or “Kolantan”.
3. The Chinese writings, since the 6th century, have mentioned Kelantan in various ways. In the Liang Kingdom period (502-557 A.D), the Chinese said “Tann-Tann”, referring to Kelantan. While in the period of Sung Kingdom (960-1279 A.D), Kelantan was called as “Chi-lan-chau” or “Chi-lan-tan”. In the early 17th century, the Chinese said “Ko-lan-tan”, or “Ku-lan-tan”, all of which refer to Kelantan.
4. Besides “Tan-Tan” or “Tann-Tann”, there is a land often mentioned by the Chinese, namely “Chit-tu”, meaning Negeri Tanah Merah (The Red Land). It was associated with Negeri Kelantan.
Many geographers, based on topographic and geographic consideration, contended that Chit-tu (Tanah Merah) or Raktamrittika was the Kelantan. A European historian, Paul Wheatley, was in line with the premise that Chit-tu was located in Kelantan. He based his statement on the early years of Raktamrittika Kingdom history, established by King Gautama in the 6th century. The King was the son of King Kalahtana. Chit-tu once was one of the Funan Kingdom’s colonies. Kelantan, in 1225 A.D, had ever been under the authority of Crivijaya Kingdom.
Historically, in 1411 A.D. (814 H) Negeri Kelantan was ruled by the first King named King Kumar. Some historians still have wider debate over the genealogy of King Kumar. There is only one record confirming the King Kumar’s relations with one of the Chinese Kings. For example, in 1412 A.D, it is stated that King Kumar had ever received gifts included silk and diplomatic letters from a Chinese King
King Kumar, who passed away in 1418 A.D, was succeeded by Sultan Iskandar Shah, the grandson of King Culan. According to the manuscript of Sejarah Melayu (Malay History), Culan was the King of Negeri Ganggayu or Klang Kio, located in the upper course of Johor River. Another reference, Ringakasan Cetera Kelantan (Summary of Kelantan History) written by Nik Mahmud Ismail, revealed another opinion saying that King Culan was the King of Negeri Perak. Up to now, still not found yet the sufficient data confirming what kinds of relation between King Kumar and Sultan Iskandar Shah. In addition, there is no sufficient evidence explaining the way Islam came to the land of Kelantan, considering that the second ruler, Sultan Iskandar Shah, had embraced Islam.
After Sultan Iskandar passed away in 1465 A.D, the Kelantan was leaded by Sultan Mansur Shah. There are three versions of premises confirming the cognation of Sultan Mansur Shah with Sultan Iskandar Shah. The first version, cited from “Sejarah Melayu”, mentioned that Sultan Mansur Shah was the son of Sultan Iskandar Shah’s cousin. The second version, from “Ringkasan Cetera Kelantan”, contended that Sultan Mansur Shah was the son of Sultan Iskandar Shah. The last version, “Sejarah Negeri-Negeri Melayu” (History of Malay Kingdoms) written by Haji Muhammad Sidi Haji Muhd. Rasyid, mentioned that Sultan Mansur Shah was the cousin of Sultan Iskandar Shah.
The Kelantan Sultanate entered its golden age during the period of Sultan Mansur Shah, especially in terms of its economic growth, depending largely on the agricultural sector. The Kelantan’s prestige was heard to the Malacca Sultanate, ruled then by Sultan Mahmud Shah. In 1477 A.D., he ordered the armed troops to attack the Kelantan Sultanate. Sultan Mansur Shah, at the time, had three sons: Raja Gombak, Unang Kening who married later on to Sultan Mahmud Shah, and Cubak. Sultan Mahmud Shah and Unang Kening had three sons, namely Raja Mah (daughter), Raja Muzaffar (son), and Raja Dewi (daughter). Raja Muzaffar who was born in 1505 A.D., became the Sultan Perak I with title Muzaffar Shah (1528-1540 A.D.). Raja Gombak replaced his father, Sultan Mansur Shah, who passed away in 1526 A.D., as the forth Sultan Kelantan, bearing the title Sultan Gombak (1526-1584 M).
In 1548 A.D, Raja Ahmad, bearing the title of Sultan Ahmad, replaced the position of Sultan Gombak, who passed away, as the next Sultan. Sultan Ahmad, the grandson of Sultan Gombak, married to Cik Banun, the youngest daughter of Kelantan Nobleman Seri Nara Diraja. They had a daughter named Cik Wan Kembang. When Sultan Ahmad passed away in 1588 A.D., Cik Wan Kembang had been four years old. Therefore, Raja Hussin, the son of Raja Umar bearing the title of Sultan Ala Jalla Abdul Jalil Shah (King Johor, 1580-1597 A.D.), was asked to come to Kelantan to be the next (the sixth) Sultan of Kelantan with title Sultan Hussin. However, another source reveals that the coronation of Sultan Hussin was not proposed by then Kelantan administration. By then, in the 16th century, the Kelantan was one of the colonies of Johor.
After Raja Hussin passed away in 1610 A.D., Cik Wan Kembang had reached the mature age and been installed as the seventh Sultan of Kelantan (1610-1663 A.D.). She was the first female Sultan in Kelantan. When she ruled the Sultanate, he settled in Mount Chinta Wangsa, Ulu Kelantan, located about 40 kilometers to the South East of Kuala Krai. The strategic location of the central Sultanate lured the domestic merchantmen and foreign traders to visit Kelantan, boosting its economic growth.
During the period of Cik Wan Kembang, a small kingdom, named Jembal, had established in the North-east part of Kelantan. The Jembal Kingdom was ruled by Raja Sakti (1638 A.D). He was the foster child of Raja Bersiung Kedah. Raja Sakti died in 1649 A.D., and be replaced by his son, Raja Loyor. Cik Wan Kembang established close relation with the Jembal Kingdom especially with Raja Loyor. She, even, had adopted Princess Saadong, the daughter of Raja Loyor, as her foster daughter. After Cik Wan Kembang died in 1663 A.D., the Kelantan Sultanate was no longer ruled by the offspring of Sultan Iskandar Shah. The Kelantan’s ruler also no longer used Sultan, but King to name the higher position. The Kelantan afterwards was ruled by the Kings of Jembal.
Regarding Princess Saadong, the foster daughter of Cik Wan Kembang, she married to King Abdullah, her cousin, after being persuaded by Cik Wan. They lived in Tegayong City (Tanah Serendah Sekebun Bunga Cherang Tegayong), and then moved to Jelasin City in Mahligai Region. She had ever been kidnapped by Commander of Siam named Phraya Decho to be brought to Narai Maharaja Siam (1656-1688 A.D.). The reason for kidnapping is still unknown. When going back to Kelantan, Princess Saadong had several arguments with her husband. King Abdullah died of puncture of hair bun’s Saadong. It was done unintentionally. Afterwards, Princess Saadong installed King Abdul Rahim, King Abdullah’s brother, as the Sultan in Mahligai City.
Not much literature confirm the ruling period of King Loyor. He passed away in 1675 A.D. He was replaced by his brother, Temanggung Umar, bearing the title King Umar (1675-1719 A.D.). He had five sons, namely Raja Kecil Sulung, Raja Ngah with title Raja Hudang, Raja Nah, Raja Sakti, and Raja Pah. Being left by King Umar in 1719 A.D., Long Besar or Long Bahar was installed as the next King in Jembal (1719-1733 A.D.). This installation was proposed by the oldest daughter of King Umar, Raja Kecil Sulung. Long Bahar was the son of Raja Petani (Wan Daim) who bore the title of Datuk Pengkalan Tua. He had ever made a journey to the Kelantan Sultanate, together with his father. Long Bahar married to Raja Pah, the daughter of Sultan Omar.
Long Bahar passed away in 1733 A.D. His position was replaced by his son, Long Sulaiman or Wan Anom Long Nik, bearing the title of Mas Kelantan. Long Sulaiman had three sons namely Long Yunus, Tuan Dewi, and Tuan Kembang. The last married to Long Deraman, the son of Tuan Senik Getting who ruled Legeh region. In 1756 A.D., a mysterious war broke out, aiming at overthrowing Long Sulaiman, who was murdered in the war. His position was then replaced by his cousin, Long Pendak as Raja Kubang Labu. Whereas his brother, Long Muhammad, was installed as Raja Muda.
In 1758 A.D., Long Pendak passed away, murdered by Long Deraman for taking revenge. Long Pendak was accused of killing his own wife and Long Deraman’s brother named Tengku Tengah. Long Muhammad, then, replaced the Sultan Position, becoming the King in Kubang Labu City. During his period, some wars and conflicts broke out between Long Muhammad, who was assisted by Long Deraman, and Long Yunus, who was assisted by Long Gaffar, prince of King Reman in Hulu Perak. In 1762 A.D., both Long Muhammad and Long Deraman were killed in a fierce war. Finally, Long Yunus gained the full control of Kubang Labu Kingdom. As a reward, Long Yunus appointed Long Gaffar as Perdana Menteri (Prime Minister) in Kelantan who ruled from Jeram to Pasir Tumbuh.
Long Yunus took the lead of Kelantan Sultanate between 1775 A.D and 1794 A.D. He was famous for his great capability in unifying the whole territory of Kelantan, which was once separated from the central Sultanate. He could make them submit to the one governmental system.
2. Sultans of Kelantan
Below are the Sultans who had ever ruled the Kelantan Sultanate. The list is codified systematically according to the tenure of each Sultan:
1. King Kumar (1411-1418 A.D)
2. Sultan Iskandar (1418-1465 A.D)
3. Sultan Mansur Shah (1465-1526 A.D)
4. Sultan Gombak (1526-1584 A.D)
5. Sultan Ahmad (1584-1588 A.D)
6. Sultan Hussin (1588-1610 A.D)
7. Cik Wan Kembang (1610-1663 A.D)
8. Raja Loyor (1649-1675 A.D)
9. Raja Umar (1675-1719 A.D)
10. Long Besar or Long Bahar (1719-1733 A.D)
11. Long Sulaiman (1733-1756 A.D)
12. Long Pendak (1756-1758 A.D)
13. Long Muhammad (1758-1762 A.D)
14. Long Gaffar (1762-1775 A.D)
15. Long Yunus (1775-1794 A.D)
16. Sultan Muhammad (1794-1839 A.D)
17. Sultan Muhammad II or Sultan Mulut Merah (1839-1886 A.D)
18. Sultan Muhammad III (1886-1900 A.D)
19. Sultan Muhammad IV or Long Senik bin (son of) Long Kundur (1900-1920 A.D)
20. Sultan Ismail (1920-1944 A.D)
21. Sultan Ibrahim (1944-1960 A.D)
22. Sultan Yahya Petra (1960-1979 A.D)
23. Sultan Ismail Petra (1979 A.D - now)
3. Sultanate Period
The Kelantan Sultanate have existed for about six centuries. During that period, Kelantan had experienced the political cleavage, beginning from the period of Cik Wan Kembang (1610-1663 A.D). The separation commenced when Jembal Kingdom proclaimed its independence from the Kelantan. By then, Kelantan was gradually overwhelmed with the wave of Patani wanderers who migrated from their region. The migrant could dominate the government in the period of Long Bahar. Long Yunus, the 15th ruler, could finally restore the Kelantan Sultanate’s power and made it as a unified territory.
In the history of modern Malaysia, the Kelantan Sultanate is one of the 14 Negeri (States) under the federation of Malaysia Kingdom. Kelantan is also called as Negeri Kelantan Darul Iman, which is ruled now by Sultan Ismail Petra (Since 1979 A.D)
4. Sultane Territory
The territory of Kelantan Sultanate covered the below region: Gua Musang (8,177 km2), Kuala Krai (2,277 km2), Jeli (1,318 km2), Tanah Merah (880 km2), Pasir Mas (569 km2), Machang (527 km2), Pasir Puteh (424 km2), Kota Bharu (394 km2), Bachok (279 km2), and Tumpat (177 km2). The Kelantan Sultanate located North-East of Semenanjung Malaysia (Malay peninsula), facing directly the South China Sea, bordered by Southern Thailand.
5. Sultanate Structure
The structure of Kelantan Sultanate was inherited from the traditional Malay political system, in which the Sultan held the highest authority of Sultanate mandate. In administering the government, he was assisted by three clusters of Sultan assistants, namely:
1. Cluster of Sultan’s relatives; they are the offspring of the Sultan.
2. Cluster of noblemen; Those people bore title syed, nik, and wan.
3. Cluster of commoners who hold high position in the Kelantan sultanate.
Their main job was to do all of their responsibilities and to carried out the direct order of Sultan. Their responsibilities included the palace’s custom affairs, administration, financial, legal, security, and foreign relations. One of the main jobs for the cluster of Sultan’s relatives is to install the Sultan who will rule the Sultanate.
The above structure was effectively stipulated at the end of the 18th century, during the period of Long Yunus (1775-1794 A.D). He appointed his sons as such: Long Ismail (as Raja Muda), Long Jenal (as Treasurer), Long Tan (as Temenggung). His close friend, Long Ghafar, was appointed as Mangkubumi and Panglima Perang (Commander) bearing the title Tengku Sri Maharaja Perdana Menteri. Besides, there were other for positions: Raja Bukit Pancor (assumed by Long Yunus bin Long Yunus), Tengku Kota (assumed by Long Muda or Tuan Dagang bin Long Yunus), and Dato’ Kaya Hulubalang (assumed by son of Penghulu Adas).
In the period of Sultan Muhammad the Second, or Sultan Mulut Merah (1839-1886 A.D), the then political structure experienced slight change with some additional positions and new titles, like below:
1. Sultan (Tuan Senik Mulut Merah)
2. Sultan Dewa (Tuan Senik Kota or Tuan Senik Penambang-baharu)
3. Hakim/Judge(Syed Jaafar-baharu)
4. Mufti/Religious Adviser (Tuan Abdul Rahman Muda bin Wan Othman-baharu)
5. Kadi/ (no sufficient data)
6. Perdana Menteri/Prime Minister (Engku Limbat bin Long Jaafar)
7. Pembantu Menteri Besar/Deputy of Prime Minister (Nik Abdul Majid atau Wan Abdul Majid bin Wan Yusuf bersama Nik Yahya)
8. Juru Tulis Diraja (the palace writer) or Setiausaha Sultan (Wan Abdul Kadir)
9. Ketua Istiadat (Head of customary affair) with the title of Dato Megat Mahkota
(picture)
The Gate in the Balai Besar Palace.
In 1845 A.D, the above political system was changed along with the initiation of Jamaah Ahli Mensyuarat (Discussion team), whose members come from Sultanate officials. The major change was effective after the establishment of Bandar Kota Bharu (City) and Istana Balai Besar (Palace) in 1844 A.D. Below are the job desk for each positions:
1. Financial affairs, administered by:
1. Bendahara (treasurer) (conferred with Tengku before his name if the treasurer is one of Sultan’s offspring)
2. Seri Maharaja (conferred with Tengku before his name if the treasurer is one of Sultan’s offspring)
3. Seri Pakerma Raja
4. Seri Akar Raja
2. Military affairs, managed by:
1. Temenggung Aria Pahlawan
2. Seri Nara Diraja
3. Laksamana (Admiral)
4. Seri Kelana Diraja
3. Political affairs, administered by:
1. Seri Paduka Raja
2. Seri Amar Diraja
3. Seri Setia Diraja
4. Seri Diraja
4. Foreign affairs, run by:
1. Biji Sura
2. Biji Wangsa
3. Lela Utama
4. Lela Negara
5. Domestic affairs, arranged by:
1. Kaya Perba
2. Kaya Pahlawan
3. Kaya Hulubalang
4. Kaya Perwira
6. Administrative affairs (in palace), run by:
1. Seri Rakna Diraja
2. Bentara Guna
3. Penghulu Balai
7. Legal affairs, arranged by:
1. Senior Judge (borne by Hakim)
2. Kadi (responsible for Islamic law/Shariah affairs)
3. Hakim (Responsible for non-Shariah affairs)
8. Sultan Consultants:
1. Tengku Bendahara (similar to treasurer)
2. Tengku Temenggung
3. Seri Paduka
The person who would replace the incumbent Sultan bore the title Raja Muda (literally means the Young King). In the Sultan Muhammad the fourth’s administration (Long Senik bin Long Kundur 1900-1920 A.D), 1911 in exact time, the title of “Raja Kelantan” was given to the candidate Sultan. But in 1944 A.D., by the suggestion of some advisers, the title was no longer used. It was so since many people assumed that the candidate would take the Sultanate’s responsibilities in the absence of Sultan when going abroad. The people thought that Raja Kelantan (Candidate) and Sultan Kelantan (The incumbent Sultan) were the same. Tengku Ibrahim, bearing the title Raja Kelantan, ascended the throne of kelantan Sultanate in June 1944 A.D. The title for the candidate was changed to the previous title: Raja Muda.
6. Socio-cultural Life
According to the 2005 census of central government, the total population of Kelantan Darul Iman amounted about 1,373,173 people, consisting of: Gua Musang (80,167), Kuala Krai (97,836), Jeli (38,185), Tanah Merah (108,228), Pasir Mas (172,692), Machang (82,653), Pasir Puteh (111,001), Kota Bharu (425,294), Bachok (116,128), Tumpat (140,989). The Malay, about 95%, constitutes the biggest majority of Kelantan population, while the rests place the second, the third etc, namely Chinese (3,8%), Indian (0,3%), and others (0,9%). Islam is embraced by most of Kelantan citizens, for about 95 % of total population. Buddha ranks the second (4,4%), Christianity and Hindu the third (0,2% respectively), and other religion (0,2%).
Agriculture and industry are the main livelihood of Kelantan population. In terms of agriculture, the population rely mostly on the sap, oil palm, and paddy. The wood industry, especially round timber, and plywood is the main revenue of Kelantan.
The Kelantan Sultanate had strong relation economically and politically with the Patani Sultanate. Geographically, the two sultanates are very close. In terms of culture, Kelantan adopted a multicultural system, combinative of Malay, Islam, and Siam culture. Among the form of acculturation are folk games of Dikir barat, Main Puteri, Mak Yong, and other. Mak Yong, specifically, is influenced by the culture of Siam, Dikir Barat is largely adopted from Islam, and the Main Puteri came from Hindu-Siam culture. Another unique feature of Kelantan Sultanate is the gastronomic culture, different from Malay cuisine, such as Budu food.
(HQ/ter/106/04-08)
References:
• Hamid, Rogayah A. and Mariyam Salim, Kesultanan Melayu Kelantan, (Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 2006).
• “Kelantan”, in http://ms.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kelantan, retrieved at January 17th 2008.
• “Kota Bharu”, in http://sklaloh.kelantan.edu.my/kotabharu.htm, retrieved at January 26th 2008.
• “Sejarah Kelantan”, in http://ms.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sejarah_Kelantan, retrieved at Januariy 17th 2008.
• “Sultan-Sultan Kelantan”, in http://www.ppak.kelantan.edu.my/kelantan/kerajaan, retrieved at January 24th 2008.
Photo Credit :
• raykinzoku.fotopages.com
• www.geocities.com
Little is known about the early years of Kelantan history. Some records and notes kept by the European and the Chinese people snap only parts of Kelantan’s picture in the past. They tell us about the origin of Kelantan as an administered land. Below are the aforementioned brief records:
1. According to the records of Claudius Ptolemy, the Greek geographer and astronomer, in his book Geography of Eastern Asia written in the second century, there are three locations laid in the East shore of Semenanjung Melayu (Malay Peninsula): “Kole Polis”, “Primula”, and “Tharra”.
2. G.E. Gerini, an Italian researcher, said that “Kole Polis” located in Kelantan. He contended that the name of Kelantan is derived from two combined words: “Kolo” and “Thana” or “Tanah” to become “Kolathana”, “Kolamtanah”, or “Kolantan”.
3. The Chinese writings, since the 6th century, have mentioned Kelantan in various ways. In the Liang Kingdom period (502-557 A.D), the Chinese said “Tann-Tann”, referring to Kelantan. While in the period of Sung Kingdom (960-1279 A.D), Kelantan was called as “Chi-lan-chau” or “Chi-lan-tan”. In the early 17th century, the Chinese said “Ko-lan-tan”, or “Ku-lan-tan”, all of which refer to Kelantan.
4. Besides “Tan-Tan” or “Tann-Tann”, there is a land often mentioned by the Chinese, namely “Chit-tu”, meaning Negeri Tanah Merah (The Red Land). It was associated with Negeri Kelantan.
Many geographers, based on topographic and geographic consideration, contended that Chit-tu (Tanah Merah) or Raktamrittika was the Kelantan. A European historian, Paul Wheatley, was in line with the premise that Chit-tu was located in Kelantan. He based his statement on the early years of Raktamrittika Kingdom history, established by King Gautama in the 6th century. The King was the son of King Kalahtana. Chit-tu once was one of the Funan Kingdom’s colonies. Kelantan, in 1225 A.D, had ever been under the authority of Crivijaya Kingdom.
Historically, in 1411 A.D. (814 H) Negeri Kelantan was ruled by the first King named King Kumar. Some historians still have wider debate over the genealogy of King Kumar. There is only one record confirming the King Kumar’s relations with one of the Chinese Kings. For example, in 1412 A.D, it is stated that King Kumar had ever received gifts included silk and diplomatic letters from a Chinese King
King Kumar, who passed away in 1418 A.D, was succeeded by Sultan Iskandar Shah, the grandson of King Culan. According to the manuscript of Sejarah Melayu (Malay History), Culan was the King of Negeri Ganggayu or Klang Kio, located in the upper course of Johor River. Another reference, Ringakasan Cetera Kelantan (Summary of Kelantan History) written by Nik Mahmud Ismail, revealed another opinion saying that King Culan was the King of Negeri Perak. Up to now, still not found yet the sufficient data confirming what kinds of relation between King Kumar and Sultan Iskandar Shah. In addition, there is no sufficient evidence explaining the way Islam came to the land of Kelantan, considering that the second ruler, Sultan Iskandar Shah, had embraced Islam.
After Sultan Iskandar passed away in 1465 A.D, the Kelantan was leaded by Sultan Mansur Shah. There are three versions of premises confirming the cognation of Sultan Mansur Shah with Sultan Iskandar Shah. The first version, cited from “Sejarah Melayu”, mentioned that Sultan Mansur Shah was the son of Sultan Iskandar Shah’s cousin. The second version, from “Ringkasan Cetera Kelantan”, contended that Sultan Mansur Shah was the son of Sultan Iskandar Shah. The last version, “Sejarah Negeri-Negeri Melayu” (History of Malay Kingdoms) written by Haji Muhammad Sidi Haji Muhd. Rasyid, mentioned that Sultan Mansur Shah was the cousin of Sultan Iskandar Shah.
The Kelantan Sultanate entered its golden age during the period of Sultan Mansur Shah, especially in terms of its economic growth, depending largely on the agricultural sector. The Kelantan’s prestige was heard to the Malacca Sultanate, ruled then by Sultan Mahmud Shah. In 1477 A.D., he ordered the armed troops to attack the Kelantan Sultanate. Sultan Mansur Shah, at the time, had three sons: Raja Gombak, Unang Kening who married later on to Sultan Mahmud Shah, and Cubak. Sultan Mahmud Shah and Unang Kening had three sons, namely Raja Mah (daughter), Raja Muzaffar (son), and Raja Dewi (daughter). Raja Muzaffar who was born in 1505 A.D., became the Sultan Perak I with title Muzaffar Shah (1528-1540 A.D.). Raja Gombak replaced his father, Sultan Mansur Shah, who passed away in 1526 A.D., as the forth Sultan Kelantan, bearing the title Sultan Gombak (1526-1584 M).
In 1548 A.D, Raja Ahmad, bearing the title of Sultan Ahmad, replaced the position of Sultan Gombak, who passed away, as the next Sultan. Sultan Ahmad, the grandson of Sultan Gombak, married to Cik Banun, the youngest daughter of Kelantan Nobleman Seri Nara Diraja. They had a daughter named Cik Wan Kembang. When Sultan Ahmad passed away in 1588 A.D., Cik Wan Kembang had been four years old. Therefore, Raja Hussin, the son of Raja Umar bearing the title of Sultan Ala Jalla Abdul Jalil Shah (King Johor, 1580-1597 A.D.), was asked to come to Kelantan to be the next (the sixth) Sultan of Kelantan with title Sultan Hussin. However, another source reveals that the coronation of Sultan Hussin was not proposed by then Kelantan administration. By then, in the 16th century, the Kelantan was one of the colonies of Johor.
After Raja Hussin passed away in 1610 A.D., Cik Wan Kembang had reached the mature age and been installed as the seventh Sultan of Kelantan (1610-1663 A.D.). She was the first female Sultan in Kelantan. When she ruled the Sultanate, he settled in Mount Chinta Wangsa, Ulu Kelantan, located about 40 kilometers to the South East of Kuala Krai. The strategic location of the central Sultanate lured the domestic merchantmen and foreign traders to visit Kelantan, boosting its economic growth.
During the period of Cik Wan Kembang, a small kingdom, named Jembal, had established in the North-east part of Kelantan. The Jembal Kingdom was ruled by Raja Sakti (1638 A.D). He was the foster child of Raja Bersiung Kedah. Raja Sakti died in 1649 A.D., and be replaced by his son, Raja Loyor. Cik Wan Kembang established close relation with the Jembal Kingdom especially with Raja Loyor. She, even, had adopted Princess Saadong, the daughter of Raja Loyor, as her foster daughter. After Cik Wan Kembang died in 1663 A.D., the Kelantan Sultanate was no longer ruled by the offspring of Sultan Iskandar Shah. The Kelantan’s ruler also no longer used Sultan, but King to name the higher position. The Kelantan afterwards was ruled by the Kings of Jembal.
Regarding Princess Saadong, the foster daughter of Cik Wan Kembang, she married to King Abdullah, her cousin, after being persuaded by Cik Wan. They lived in Tegayong City (Tanah Serendah Sekebun Bunga Cherang Tegayong), and then moved to Jelasin City in Mahligai Region. She had ever been kidnapped by Commander of Siam named Phraya Decho to be brought to Narai Maharaja Siam (1656-1688 A.D.). The reason for kidnapping is still unknown. When going back to Kelantan, Princess Saadong had several arguments with her husband. King Abdullah died of puncture of hair bun’s Saadong. It was done unintentionally. Afterwards, Princess Saadong installed King Abdul Rahim, King Abdullah’s brother, as the Sultan in Mahligai City.
Not much literature confirm the ruling period of King Loyor. He passed away in 1675 A.D. He was replaced by his brother, Temanggung Umar, bearing the title King Umar (1675-1719 A.D.). He had five sons, namely Raja Kecil Sulung, Raja Ngah with title Raja Hudang, Raja Nah, Raja Sakti, and Raja Pah. Being left by King Umar in 1719 A.D., Long Besar or Long Bahar was installed as the next King in Jembal (1719-1733 A.D.). This installation was proposed by the oldest daughter of King Umar, Raja Kecil Sulung. Long Bahar was the son of Raja Petani (Wan Daim) who bore the title of Datuk Pengkalan Tua. He had ever made a journey to the Kelantan Sultanate, together with his father. Long Bahar married to Raja Pah, the daughter of Sultan Omar.
Long Bahar passed away in 1733 A.D. His position was replaced by his son, Long Sulaiman or Wan Anom Long Nik, bearing the title of Mas Kelantan. Long Sulaiman had three sons namely Long Yunus, Tuan Dewi, and Tuan Kembang. The last married to Long Deraman, the son of Tuan Senik Getting who ruled Legeh region. In 1756 A.D., a mysterious war broke out, aiming at overthrowing Long Sulaiman, who was murdered in the war. His position was then replaced by his cousin, Long Pendak as Raja Kubang Labu. Whereas his brother, Long Muhammad, was installed as Raja Muda.
In 1758 A.D., Long Pendak passed away, murdered by Long Deraman for taking revenge. Long Pendak was accused of killing his own wife and Long Deraman’s brother named Tengku Tengah. Long Muhammad, then, replaced the Sultan Position, becoming the King in Kubang Labu City. During his period, some wars and conflicts broke out between Long Muhammad, who was assisted by Long Deraman, and Long Yunus, who was assisted by Long Gaffar, prince of King Reman in Hulu Perak. In 1762 A.D., both Long Muhammad and Long Deraman were killed in a fierce war. Finally, Long Yunus gained the full control of Kubang Labu Kingdom. As a reward, Long Yunus appointed Long Gaffar as Perdana Menteri (Prime Minister) in Kelantan who ruled from Jeram to Pasir Tumbuh.
Long Yunus took the lead of Kelantan Sultanate between 1775 A.D and 1794 A.D. He was famous for his great capability in unifying the whole territory of Kelantan, which was once separated from the central Sultanate. He could make them submit to the one governmental system.
2. Sultans of Kelantan
Below are the Sultans who had ever ruled the Kelantan Sultanate. The list is codified systematically according to the tenure of each Sultan:
1. King Kumar (1411-1418 A.D)
2. Sultan Iskandar (1418-1465 A.D)
3. Sultan Mansur Shah (1465-1526 A.D)
4. Sultan Gombak (1526-1584 A.D)
5. Sultan Ahmad (1584-1588 A.D)
6. Sultan Hussin (1588-1610 A.D)
7. Cik Wan Kembang (1610-1663 A.D)
8. Raja Loyor (1649-1675 A.D)
9. Raja Umar (1675-1719 A.D)
10. Long Besar or Long Bahar (1719-1733 A.D)
11. Long Sulaiman (1733-1756 A.D)
12. Long Pendak (1756-1758 A.D)
13. Long Muhammad (1758-1762 A.D)
14. Long Gaffar (1762-1775 A.D)
15. Long Yunus (1775-1794 A.D)
16. Sultan Muhammad (1794-1839 A.D)
17. Sultan Muhammad II or Sultan Mulut Merah (1839-1886 A.D)
18. Sultan Muhammad III (1886-1900 A.D)
19. Sultan Muhammad IV or Long Senik bin (son of) Long Kundur (1900-1920 A.D)
20. Sultan Ismail (1920-1944 A.D)
21. Sultan Ibrahim (1944-1960 A.D)
22. Sultan Yahya Petra (1960-1979 A.D)
23. Sultan Ismail Petra (1979 A.D - now)
3. Sultanate Period
The Kelantan Sultanate have existed for about six centuries. During that period, Kelantan had experienced the political cleavage, beginning from the period of Cik Wan Kembang (1610-1663 A.D). The separation commenced when Jembal Kingdom proclaimed its independence from the Kelantan. By then, Kelantan was gradually overwhelmed with the wave of Patani wanderers who migrated from their region. The migrant could dominate the government in the period of Long Bahar. Long Yunus, the 15th ruler, could finally restore the Kelantan Sultanate’s power and made it as a unified territory.
In the history of modern Malaysia, the Kelantan Sultanate is one of the 14 Negeri (States) under the federation of Malaysia Kingdom. Kelantan is also called as Negeri Kelantan Darul Iman, which is ruled now by Sultan Ismail Petra (Since 1979 A.D)
4. Sultane Territory
The territory of Kelantan Sultanate covered the below region: Gua Musang (8,177 km2), Kuala Krai (2,277 km2), Jeli (1,318 km2), Tanah Merah (880 km2), Pasir Mas (569 km2), Machang (527 km2), Pasir Puteh (424 km2), Kota Bharu (394 km2), Bachok (279 km2), and Tumpat (177 km2). The Kelantan Sultanate located North-East of Semenanjung Malaysia (Malay peninsula), facing directly the South China Sea, bordered by Southern Thailand.
5. Sultanate Structure
The structure of Kelantan Sultanate was inherited from the traditional Malay political system, in which the Sultan held the highest authority of Sultanate mandate. In administering the government, he was assisted by three clusters of Sultan assistants, namely:
1. Cluster of Sultan’s relatives; they are the offspring of the Sultan.
2. Cluster of noblemen; Those people bore title syed, nik, and wan.
3. Cluster of commoners who hold high position in the Kelantan sultanate.
Their main job was to do all of their responsibilities and to carried out the direct order of Sultan. Their responsibilities included the palace’s custom affairs, administration, financial, legal, security, and foreign relations. One of the main jobs for the cluster of Sultan’s relatives is to install the Sultan who will rule the Sultanate.
The above structure was effectively stipulated at the end of the 18th century, during the period of Long Yunus (1775-1794 A.D). He appointed his sons as such: Long Ismail (as Raja Muda), Long Jenal (as Treasurer), Long Tan (as Temenggung). His close friend, Long Ghafar, was appointed as Mangkubumi and Panglima Perang (Commander) bearing the title Tengku Sri Maharaja Perdana Menteri. Besides, there were other for positions: Raja Bukit Pancor (assumed by Long Yunus bin Long Yunus), Tengku Kota (assumed by Long Muda or Tuan Dagang bin Long Yunus), and Dato’ Kaya Hulubalang (assumed by son of Penghulu Adas).
In the period of Sultan Muhammad the Second, or Sultan Mulut Merah (1839-1886 A.D), the then political structure experienced slight change with some additional positions and new titles, like below:
1. Sultan (Tuan Senik Mulut Merah)
2. Sultan Dewa (Tuan Senik Kota or Tuan Senik Penambang-baharu)
3. Hakim/Judge(Syed Jaafar-baharu)
4. Mufti/Religious Adviser (Tuan Abdul Rahman Muda bin Wan Othman-baharu)
5. Kadi/ (no sufficient data)
6. Perdana Menteri/Prime Minister (Engku Limbat bin Long Jaafar)
7. Pembantu Menteri Besar/Deputy of Prime Minister (Nik Abdul Majid atau Wan Abdul Majid bin Wan Yusuf bersama Nik Yahya)
8. Juru Tulis Diraja (the palace writer) or Setiausaha Sultan (Wan Abdul Kadir)
9. Ketua Istiadat (Head of customary affair) with the title of Dato Megat Mahkota
(picture)
The Gate in the Balai Besar Palace.
In 1845 A.D, the above political system was changed along with the initiation of Jamaah Ahli Mensyuarat (Discussion team), whose members come from Sultanate officials. The major change was effective after the establishment of Bandar Kota Bharu (City) and Istana Balai Besar (Palace) in 1844 A.D. Below are the job desk for each positions:
1. Financial affairs, administered by:
1. Bendahara (treasurer) (conferred with Tengku before his name if the treasurer is one of Sultan’s offspring)
2. Seri Maharaja (conferred with Tengku before his name if the treasurer is one of Sultan’s offspring)
3. Seri Pakerma Raja
4. Seri Akar Raja
2. Military affairs, managed by:
1. Temenggung Aria Pahlawan
2. Seri Nara Diraja
3. Laksamana (Admiral)
4. Seri Kelana Diraja
3. Political affairs, administered by:
1. Seri Paduka Raja
2. Seri Amar Diraja
3. Seri Setia Diraja
4. Seri Diraja
4. Foreign affairs, run by:
1. Biji Sura
2. Biji Wangsa
3. Lela Utama
4. Lela Negara
5. Domestic affairs, arranged by:
1. Kaya Perba
2. Kaya Pahlawan
3. Kaya Hulubalang
4. Kaya Perwira
6. Administrative affairs (in palace), run by:
1. Seri Rakna Diraja
2. Bentara Guna
3. Penghulu Balai
7. Legal affairs, arranged by:
1. Senior Judge (borne by Hakim)
2. Kadi (responsible for Islamic law/Shariah affairs)
3. Hakim (Responsible for non-Shariah affairs)
8. Sultan Consultants:
1. Tengku Bendahara (similar to treasurer)
2. Tengku Temenggung
3. Seri Paduka
The person who would replace the incumbent Sultan bore the title Raja Muda (literally means the Young King). In the Sultan Muhammad the fourth’s administration (Long Senik bin Long Kundur 1900-1920 A.D), 1911 in exact time, the title of “Raja Kelantan” was given to the candidate Sultan. But in 1944 A.D., by the suggestion of some advisers, the title was no longer used. It was so since many people assumed that the candidate would take the Sultanate’s responsibilities in the absence of Sultan when going abroad. The people thought that Raja Kelantan (Candidate) and Sultan Kelantan (The incumbent Sultan) were the same. Tengku Ibrahim, bearing the title Raja Kelantan, ascended the throne of kelantan Sultanate in June 1944 A.D. The title for the candidate was changed to the previous title: Raja Muda.
6. Socio-cultural Life
According to the 2005 census of central government, the total population of Kelantan Darul Iman amounted about 1,373,173 people, consisting of: Gua Musang (80,167), Kuala Krai (97,836), Jeli (38,185), Tanah Merah (108,228), Pasir Mas (172,692), Machang (82,653), Pasir Puteh (111,001), Kota Bharu (425,294), Bachok (116,128), Tumpat (140,989). The Malay, about 95%, constitutes the biggest majority of Kelantan population, while the rests place the second, the third etc, namely Chinese (3,8%), Indian (0,3%), and others (0,9%). Islam is embraced by most of Kelantan citizens, for about 95 % of total population. Buddha ranks the second (4,4%), Christianity and Hindu the third (0,2% respectively), and other religion (0,2%).
Agriculture and industry are the main livelihood of Kelantan population. In terms of agriculture, the population rely mostly on the sap, oil palm, and paddy. The wood industry, especially round timber, and plywood is the main revenue of Kelantan.
The Kelantan Sultanate had strong relation economically and politically with the Patani Sultanate. Geographically, the two sultanates are very close. In terms of culture, Kelantan adopted a multicultural system, combinative of Malay, Islam, and Siam culture. Among the form of acculturation are folk games of Dikir barat, Main Puteri, Mak Yong, and other. Mak Yong, specifically, is influenced by the culture of Siam, Dikir Barat is largely adopted from Islam, and the Main Puteri came from Hindu-Siam culture. Another unique feature of Kelantan Sultanate is the gastronomic culture, different from Malay cuisine, such as Budu food.
(HQ/ter/106/04-08)
References:
• Hamid, Rogayah A. and Mariyam Salim, Kesultanan Melayu Kelantan, (Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 2006).
• “Kelantan”, in http://ms.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kelantan, retrieved at January 17th 2008.
• “Kota Bharu”, in http://sklaloh.kelantan.edu.my/kotabharu.htm, retrieved at January 26th 2008.
• “Sejarah Kelantan”, in http://ms.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sejarah_Kelantan, retrieved at Januariy 17th 2008.
• “Sultan-Sultan Kelantan”, in http://www.ppak.kelantan.edu.my/kelantan/kerajaan, retrieved at January 24th 2008.
Photo Credit :
• raykinzoku.fotopages.com
• www.geocities.com
Folk Theatre of Mamanda
1. The Origin
Mamanda, the native performing art of Banjar people in South Kalimantan Indonesia, was originally brought by some noble entourages to Malacca in 1897 A.D. Establishing trade relationship with the inhabitants of Kalimantan, the entourages introduced a completely foreign art as well. The performing art, known later on as Badamuluk, is originally based on the poems of Abdoel Moeloek. As the time goes by, the local people preferred to call it as Bamanda or Mamanda. Below, the history and development of Mamanda as a performing art in South Kalimantan will be presented.
Beforehand, several traditional performing arts such as wayang topeng and joged were familiar to the South Kalimantan society since the Negara Dipa Kingdom ruled the region. Those arts gained more popularity and developed amidst the people after the coming of Islam, particularly since the establishment of Banjar Kingdom that was supported by Demak Sultanate. Thanks to the kingdom’s policy providing the freedom for its people to show freely their art expression. As a result, some other arts with Islamic feature, such as hadrah, rudat, and zapen Arab, begun to develop.
The 16th century witnessed the beginning of fast development of art in South Kalimantan. By 1620 A.D, during the Panembahan Batu Putih (Sultan Rahmatillah) administration, some dance and music arts were introduced by some Javanese and Malay art experts. Prince Singa Marta, who was ordered to purchase a Bima horse by Sultan Banjar in 1701 A.D., was fascinated by the Princess Bima, a famous female artist. Later on, he asked her for marriage. Both sailed back to the South Kalimantan, familiarizing some original arts of Bima, among which were Jambangan Kaca dance and Pagar Mayang. The art received special attention from the people as well as from the kingdom. During the Prince Hidayat administration (1845-1859 A.D), the art was in the utmost importance and received special attentions.
In 1897 A.D, Abdoel Moeloek entourage, commonly known as Komedi Indra Bangsawan, migrated from the Malacca Sultanate to South Kalimantan. Encik Ibrahim bin Wangsa and his wife, Cik Hawa, presided the group. Despite relatively short time of staying, the group was able to make the Malacca-origin-arts popular among the Banjarnese. In the 19th century, emerged a new performing art named Ba Abdoel Moeloek ar Badamuluk that was introduced by Anggah Putuh and Anggah Datu Irang. The art was inspired by a title of story on Abdoel Moeloek written by Raja Ali Haji’s nephew, Saleha. The popularity of Ba Abdoel Moeloek grew; it was heard to Pasar Lama Margasari, Periuk (Margasari Ilir), Pabaung, Merapian, and Hulu Sungai. Later on, Banjar people preferred to call it as Mamanda.
According to Hermansyah (2007), Mamanda, as other folk theatres, constitutes an art emerging inside the society. It means that the development of Mamanda was inspired by the real need of then society; Mamanda was adapted to be relevant to the fast-growing society. At the onset, the society was in need of entertainment; gradually they were in need of combining the existing ceremony with the entertainment. Then, the Mamanda was created as a result of human creativity and interaction with their environs.
Usually, simplicity is the key feature of folk theatre that emerges as society cultural expression. In Indonesia, such folk theatre, which is performed only by one to three people, can be easily found. Mamanda was a rhythmic expression of literature; later on it was accompanied by sounds of traditional music instruments.
The word “Mamanda” is derived from two combined words: “mama” which means paman (uncle) and “nda” which means the respected. Thus, the word mamanda means the respected uncle. The word “paman”, in Banjar familial system, is widely used to identify someone in father’s age or older; Kings also utilized the word paman to accost his Mangkubumi (Deputy) or Wazir (Minister). In this regard, the kings said Mamanda Mangkubumi or Mamanda Wazir. Besides, poems of Banjar repeatedly mention Mamanda.
There are two mainstreams of Mamanda:
1. Batang Banyu Mainstream is the performing art of Mamanda which is performed on the stage made on the water/river. Then, it is called Mamanda Batang Banyu (banyu means water). This performing art, usually called Mamanda Periuk, came from Margasari; it was the origin seed of Mamanda.
2. Tubau Mainstream (created in 1937 A.D): This kind of performing art originated from Tubau Rantai Village, and constitutes the new upgrading of Mamanda. Compared to the previous type of Mamanda, Tubau is more popular and widely practiced by Banjar people. The theme played on the stage is based on the stories or Hikayat of contemporary script. Overall, the performance follows the common pattern of folk theatre; it is commenced by ladon or konom, kingdom’s meeting, and a monologue. Instead of relying on music or dance, Tubau Mainstream gives priority to the plot of story. Different from Batang Banyu, Mamanda of Tubau is performed on the ground. Some people call it as Mamanda Batubau (batu means rock).
Recently, Mamanda tends to be a pop-performing art. However, it still keeps its original features. Three main things are maintained in Mamanda: Banjar Language, symbols of cultural values, and social messages delivered to the audiences. Thus, the structure and the mainframe of Mamanda remain the same as it was. Other things that experience changes in Mamanda performing art are the dresses, music, some improvisation and art expressions.
The Mamanda reached not only South Kalimantan, but also other regions including Kutai, East Kalimantan, Indonesia. In addition, Mamanda becomes known and performed in one of region in Sumatra Island that is Tembilahan Sub-district, Indragiri Hilir District, Riau Province, Indonesia. The development of Mamanda in Tembilahan is something to do with the history of Banjar community exodus from South Kalimantan to the region. This theme will be discussed in depth in other chapters.
2. Forms of Mamanda
2.1. Players
Like other traditional performing arts, Mamanda is an art expression that shows the character of the players embroiling in the scene. Some of them play as the main player while the rest as supporting ones. The former should present in every scene while the last is expected to show up when the scene needs them.
The main players in Mamanda are:
1. Sultan
2. Mangkubumi (Deputy)
3. Wazir (Minister)
4. Perdana Menteri (Prime Minister)
5. Panglima perang (Commander)
6. Harapan I and Harapan II
7. Khadam/Badut (Joker)
8. Sandut/Putri (Princess)
The players who acted as Sultan should be good looking, interesting and have clear voice. The role of Sultan, to manage the whole sultanate administration, will be played by Mangkubumi provided that the Sultan is sick or has activities outside the palace. For the sultanate’s affairs, the Sultan consults Wazir (Minister). Harapan I and Harapan II, in charge of security affairs and meeting administration, are under the monitor of Perdana Menteri. Khadam or badut is to entertain to the people especially to putri/sandut.
The supporting players in Mamanda are:
1. Anak Sultan
2. Anak muda (Young man)
3. Dayang (Ladies)
4. Komplotan bial/penyamun (Robber)
5. Raja jin (King of genie)
6. Orang miskin (The needy)
7. Orang tua (Wise man)
2.2. The Order of Performance
The stage appearance of Mamanda players is codified chronologically. Prior to the Sultanate meeting, some dances and songs, usually called baladon or ladun, are performed. The number of players in baladon is uneven; one of them, act as the leader while the others as the followers. Afterwards the players will go to the stage one after another. Below is the order:
1. Harapan I and Harapan II
Harapan I and Harapan II appear in the stage, walking to the center, right beside the table court of Sultan. Both of them will mention their names, positions and their ability.
2. Perdana Menteri
Perdana Menteri will walk forward and stand behind the Harapan I and Harapan II . As previous, the Perdana Menteri states his name and duty. Then, he inspects works of both Harapan.
3. Sultan and his Staff
After receiving report from the Perdana Menteri, the Sultan enters the courtroom followed by his staff including Mangkubumi, Wazir, and Perdana Menteri. Sitting on the chair, the Sultan moves his stick and appraises the works of Harapan. Like Harapan and Perdana Menteri, the Sultan also mentions his name, position and responsibility. He also sings a song that commended his Sultanate. Some of the examples of the songs are:
a. Dua Mamanda Banyu Song
Batari yadan wayuhai lanya pangbastari yadan sayang saying
Angkaumu dangar, kasian banarai barpai sayang lanya pang barpari yadan sayang sayang
Salama saya dinagni pang dinagni
Salama lanya pang la sayang, yadan sayang sayang
Ramai bagaimana, ramai bagaimana, waduhai Ayahnda Wazir nang kusayangi nagri, dalam lanya pang, la nagri yadan sayang sayang
Ramai bagaimana, Ayahnda, Mamanda Mangkubumi nang kusayangi nagri di dalam lanya la nagri yadan sayang saya
b. Dua Mamanda Tubau Song
Aduhai wazir
Usullah Darmawan
Aduhai wazir
Usullah Darmawan
Cukup atawa bukan
Waduhai uang pemberian
Yalan yalan yalan
Dengan sabanar jua wayuhai nang
Lamak sadang mangatakan
Betalah mangatakan, katakan,
betalah mangatakan
Yalan yalan yalan
The Sultan, together with his staff, sing and dance. The stage is full of laugh and happiness. Sultan, then, expresses his thank to the audience.
4. Panglima Perang
If the Sultan has sons, they should go to the stage before wards. They will be accompanied by several ladies. Sultan, after that, orders Harapan I and Harapan II to pick Panglima Perang up to the courtroom. At the end of meeting, the players will walk backside of the stage. Occasionally, some dances and songs are performed to fill the time.
5. Other Players
In this scene, the players will go to the stage in order, according to the main script.
6. Anak (Son of ) Sultan “Kurang Satu Empat Puluh”
This scene constitutes the last part of Mamanda folk theatre. The main performance is babujukan, asking for marriage conducted by Anak Sultan “Kurang Satu Empat Puluh”. Babujukan is mainly the dialogue mixed with dances and songs. Besides, Anak Sultan will try to get his loved princess through flattery.
Each player going to the stage will be introduced by different monologues, according to their roles. The monologue will give brief information about the players, his name, position, competency, duties, and responsibilities.
2.3. Language
In Mamanda, language is a means of communication to conduct a dialogue. There are two kinds of languages used in Mamanda
1. Language Used in the Sultanate Meetings
It is Malay Language with Dutch dialect and structure. It is so since the Mamanda first emerged in the colonial time.
2. Language Used outside the Sultanate Meetings
Outside the Sultanate meetings, Banjar Language is used to communicate between the players. Banjar Language is the combination between Malay language and old Java Language.
2.4. Clothing
The main clothing of Mamande folk theatre is the traditional costume of Banjar, consisting of clothes used for formal events such as meeting, court and informal events. Those clothes are used by the Sultan, noblemen, officials, prominent figures and commoners. Those clothes are:
1. Laung (headband).
2. Kamban naga balimbur.
3. Seluar singkat berliris tepi.
4. Belt, made of woven fabric with gold embroidery, like ukal belt, miring belt, and long belt used above the knee.
5. Main clothing, consisting of cloth used inside and outside. The last is usually knitted with gold yarn. The clothing for men is different from that for women. The women players usually wear baju kurung (Malay traditional clothing like dress), covered the chest and its length till the knee. They also use glove, long kebaya with gold yarn in its fringe; small droplets about three to five are put in its sleeve
Besides, the women also use the adornment of Banjar like:
1. Cucuk baju: pancar matahari, bulan saliris, and bulu ayam made of gold and silver.
2. Bracelet: kelana bracelet, jepon bracelet, marjan bracelet, and gelang rantai (chained bracelet).
3. Cucuk galing: daun, kembang sisir, and kembang goyang.
4. Necklace, such as cekak necklace, madapun necklace, marjan necklace, and tabu-tabu karawang.
5. Galung decoration: kembang goyang and untaian kembang melati (string of jasmine)..
6. Ring: agar mayang ring, batu ring, etc.
7. Rawing: rawing bulus, baitan, kili-kili, and bonil berumbai.
Specifically, below are the details of Banjar clothing used by the players:
1. Sultan
The Sultan wears seluar bersirit tepi (cloth with small droplets) He puts crown, adorned with fur of white bird, on his head.
2. Prime Minister
The clothing worn by the Prime Minister is quite similar to that worn by the Sultan with slight difference. The Prime Minister, different from Sultan, doesn’t put the crown on his head; sometimes he doesn’t use any headgears.
3. Wazir (Minister)
The Wazir usually wears the inside cloth that is longer than the outside. He covers his head with the headgear with circle brim.
4. Panglima Perang
Panglima perang uses clothing with small droplets and he is equipped with sword. Lotus made of gold yarn is put on his shoulder. His headgear is laung, or like what is used by the other polices.
5. Harapan I dan Harapan II
Harapan I dan harapan II wear the clothing similar that used by cowboy, but with some small droplets. Both bring weapon and headgear.
6. Princess
The princess usually puts kebaya (blouse) or Baju Kurung (Malay traditional dress for women) on. She also wears crown.
7. Raja Jin (King Genie)
Commonly, Raja jin has mask on. If not, the Raja jin will cover his face with charcoal or red chalk.
8. Robber
The robbers use a headgear similar to the hat used usually in the western theatre. In addition, they use black glasses.
9. Young man
The young man usually uses white t-shirt with black bow tie.
2.5. The Performance
The performance of Mamanda is basically simple and quite spontaneous. The instruments needed can be easily found, the point is the suitability with the need of Mamanda scenario. Regarding the place, Mamanda can be performed anywhere; it needs only stage and spaces for the audiences.
The main equipments are chair and table, which are arranged according to scenario and plot. The performance is usually opened by emitting sounds to tell the audiences that the Mamanda will be commenced soon. The players will introduce themselves, interspersed with songs and dances. Afterwards, they will act like what has been written in the script. Each player will appear in the stage according to the scenario. Not only dialogue, but also dances and song that are shown in the stage. All of which are combined to vary the atmosphere. Some satires and constructive critiques are also conveyed within the dialogue. The players in Mamanda are demanded to improvise their role during the performance.
2.6. Stories in the Script
The scenario of Mamanda is varied; it can be history, romantic, critique, social, and information. It is written from various sources and is adapted usually from hikayat, syair, 1001 night story, romantic books, history books, folk story, or it can use the common problem of current society as its main background. From those sources, the main story is created to be clear-cut message, white and black, good and bad, or angel and devil. The scenario in Mamanda, therefore, is simple and easily digested by the audiences. They can tell difference between what is accepted and is rejected. The audiences will not find any difficulties in comprehending the whole story and also find it easy the very moral message that is being delivered.
2.7. Accompanying Music
During the performance, the folk theatre of Mamanda is combined with music, in forms of pantun (quatrain), syair (poem), hikayat (story), and dialogue, all of which are presented in arranged rhythm. The often songs chanted during the Mamanda are:
1. Dua Harapan Song
2. Dua Raja Song
3. Dua Gandut Song
4. Raja Sarik Song
5. Tarima Kasih (Sultan) Song
6. Baladun Song
7. Mambujuk Song
8. Danding Song
9. Nasib Song
10. Tirik Song
11. Japen Song
12. Mandung-mandungan Song
13. Stambul Song.
3. Cultural Values
Not only for entertainment, the Mamanda is also performed for delivering some moral messages to the audiences. Like other performing arts, Mamanda took the setting of society as its main frame. It narrates and questions everyday life in form of artistic performance and dialogue. According to Hermansyah (2007), folk theatre functions, besides as a means of expression of artists and entertainment, it is also educational tools for the society.
Looking at the plot of Mamanda, it can be found that most of stories used in the theatre are related to the human life. Those stories convey some important moral messages which one can take it as a guidance; they tell us about certain chapter of human life and teach us how to take it as an example. Even those stories reveal the worldview of society and their traditions. It means that, through Mamanda, the audiences can feel the beauty of Mamanda. At the same time, Mamanda also calls them to comprehend the experiences and suggestions presented in the performing art; that all bad deed, disloyalty, dishonesty, all of which will end in failure at last. What presented in Mamanda, more often than not, be the moral reference for the society.
Besides, Mamanda functions as a means of social critics. The players of Mamanda always provide satire and critique of social imbalance, injustice, and crime occurred in the society. Therefore, this form of performing art can be also interesting media for the society to convey their aspirations and hopes. In other words, Mamanda is a means of democratization within the local culture.
4. Mamanda in Tembilahan
Besides in South Kalimantan, the folk theatre of Mamanda is also popular amongst the population of Tembilahan Sub-district, Indragiri Hilir District, Riau Province, Indonesia. How the Mamanda could win the heart of Tembilahan people? The main reason for that is the wave of Banjarnese migration from South Kalimantan to Tembilahan that happened in the 19th century.
Looking at the exodus of Banjarnese, the next question is why such intriguing phenomenon happened? Problem and circumstance in South Kalimantan had encouraged some people to leave the region and find the new one.
There are at least 11 ethnics of Banjarnese living in Tembilahan, Indragiri Hilir District namely Banjar Keluak, Banjar Amuntai, Banjarnegara, Banjar Kandangan, Banjar Barabai, Banjar Kuala, Banjarmasin, Banjar Pamengkeh, Banjar Martapura, Banjar Alabio, and Banjar Rantau. Among those ethnics, only three of them dominated the population of migrant that are Banjar Keluak, Banjar Amuntai, and Banjar Kandangan. Those people, along with their move, carried the art of Mamanda and developed it in the new homeland.
The first wave of migration happened in 1859 A.D. The travel from Banjar to Tembilahan, which took long time, was motivated by the increasing pressure of the Dutch colonialism. The situation worsened as the Dutch succeeded at conquering the Banjarmasin Kingdom. The colonialists stipulated unpopular policy, called in Banjarnese irakan. This policy, same to kerja rodi, coerced the people into labor-intensive work. Hoping the better future, those people migrated to several areas, most of them to Tembilahan.
Why did they choose Tembilahan? At an onset, they were about to settle either in Malaysia or Singapore. According to the 1824 A.D. London Treaty, both countries were under the rule of Great Britain. Those Banjarnese thought that the life under British’s rule was better than Dutch’s, popular as their inhuman treatment to the inlanders. However, desperate to the same circumstance under Britain, they continued the journey, and arrived in Indragiri Hilir in 1885 A.D. Perigi Raja was their first area to settle.
One of ethnics in Tembilahan, Arbain, had ever organized an association of Mamanda, Perkumpulan Mamanda Parit Empat Belas. It is estimated to happen prior to 1950 A.D (between 1947-1949 A.D.). In 1950 A.D., Encik Arbain handed over the leadership of Perkumpulan Mamanda Parit Empat Belas to Encik Usman Ancau. His period marked the fast development of Mamanda. The story used in Mamanda still based on old literature such as Hikayat and Syair. In 1960 A.D., there was a shift amongst Mamanda artists to use the stories of people surrounding them. The musical instruments used in Mamanda was combined the modern instruments like violin, guitar, and accordion.
The activities of arts were banned following the incident of G 30 S/PKI/1965. Encik Abdul Hamid restarted the Mamanda Parit Empat Belas in 1967 A.D. By then, about 12 associations of Mamanda were established. However, those associations were lost in the mists of time. Up to now, only two associations, Mamamanda Parit Empat Belas Association headed by Encik Ardani, and Mamanda Pulau Palas Association, that still exist.
References
Asmuni, F Raji. “Mamanda Nasibmu Kini”, in http://www.banjarmasinpost.co.id/content/view/7438/92/, retrieved on January 28th 2008.
Hermansyah. 2007. Mamanda Sebuah Teater Eksodus. Yogyakarta: Balai Kajian dan Pengembangan Budaya Melayu in cooperation with Adicita Publisher .
“Mamanda yang Makin Pudar”, in http://www.indomedia.com/bpost/052005/1/ragam/ragam2.htm, retrieved on Desember 24th 2007.
Mamanda, the native performing art of Banjar people in South Kalimantan Indonesia, was originally brought by some noble entourages to Malacca in 1897 A.D. Establishing trade relationship with the inhabitants of Kalimantan, the entourages introduced a completely foreign art as well. The performing art, known later on as Badamuluk, is originally based on the poems of Abdoel Moeloek. As the time goes by, the local people preferred to call it as Bamanda or Mamanda. Below, the history and development of Mamanda as a performing art in South Kalimantan will be presented.
Beforehand, several traditional performing arts such as wayang topeng and joged were familiar to the South Kalimantan society since the Negara Dipa Kingdom ruled the region. Those arts gained more popularity and developed amidst the people after the coming of Islam, particularly since the establishment of Banjar Kingdom that was supported by Demak Sultanate. Thanks to the kingdom’s policy providing the freedom for its people to show freely their art expression. As a result, some other arts with Islamic feature, such as hadrah, rudat, and zapen Arab, begun to develop.
The 16th century witnessed the beginning of fast development of art in South Kalimantan. By 1620 A.D, during the Panembahan Batu Putih (Sultan Rahmatillah) administration, some dance and music arts were introduced by some Javanese and Malay art experts. Prince Singa Marta, who was ordered to purchase a Bima horse by Sultan Banjar in 1701 A.D., was fascinated by the Princess Bima, a famous female artist. Later on, he asked her for marriage. Both sailed back to the South Kalimantan, familiarizing some original arts of Bima, among which were Jambangan Kaca dance and Pagar Mayang. The art received special attention from the people as well as from the kingdom. During the Prince Hidayat administration (1845-1859 A.D), the art was in the utmost importance and received special attentions.
In 1897 A.D, Abdoel Moeloek entourage, commonly known as Komedi Indra Bangsawan, migrated from the Malacca Sultanate to South Kalimantan. Encik Ibrahim bin Wangsa and his wife, Cik Hawa, presided the group. Despite relatively short time of staying, the group was able to make the Malacca-origin-arts popular among the Banjarnese. In the 19th century, emerged a new performing art named Ba Abdoel Moeloek ar Badamuluk that was introduced by Anggah Putuh and Anggah Datu Irang. The art was inspired by a title of story on Abdoel Moeloek written by Raja Ali Haji’s nephew, Saleha. The popularity of Ba Abdoel Moeloek grew; it was heard to Pasar Lama Margasari, Periuk (Margasari Ilir), Pabaung, Merapian, and Hulu Sungai. Later on, Banjar people preferred to call it as Mamanda.
According to Hermansyah (2007), Mamanda, as other folk theatres, constitutes an art emerging inside the society. It means that the development of Mamanda was inspired by the real need of then society; Mamanda was adapted to be relevant to the fast-growing society. At the onset, the society was in need of entertainment; gradually they were in need of combining the existing ceremony with the entertainment. Then, the Mamanda was created as a result of human creativity and interaction with their environs.
Usually, simplicity is the key feature of folk theatre that emerges as society cultural expression. In Indonesia, such folk theatre, which is performed only by one to three people, can be easily found. Mamanda was a rhythmic expression of literature; later on it was accompanied by sounds of traditional music instruments.
The word “Mamanda” is derived from two combined words: “mama” which means paman (uncle) and “nda” which means the respected. Thus, the word mamanda means the respected uncle. The word “paman”, in Banjar familial system, is widely used to identify someone in father’s age or older; Kings also utilized the word paman to accost his Mangkubumi (Deputy) or Wazir (Minister). In this regard, the kings said Mamanda Mangkubumi or Mamanda Wazir. Besides, poems of Banjar repeatedly mention Mamanda.
There are two mainstreams of Mamanda:
1. Batang Banyu Mainstream is the performing art of Mamanda which is performed on the stage made on the water/river. Then, it is called Mamanda Batang Banyu (banyu means water). This performing art, usually called Mamanda Periuk, came from Margasari; it was the origin seed of Mamanda.
2. Tubau Mainstream (created in 1937 A.D): This kind of performing art originated from Tubau Rantai Village, and constitutes the new upgrading of Mamanda. Compared to the previous type of Mamanda, Tubau is more popular and widely practiced by Banjar people. The theme played on the stage is based on the stories or Hikayat of contemporary script. Overall, the performance follows the common pattern of folk theatre; it is commenced by ladon or konom, kingdom’s meeting, and a monologue. Instead of relying on music or dance, Tubau Mainstream gives priority to the plot of story. Different from Batang Banyu, Mamanda of Tubau is performed on the ground. Some people call it as Mamanda Batubau (batu means rock).
Recently, Mamanda tends to be a pop-performing art. However, it still keeps its original features. Three main things are maintained in Mamanda: Banjar Language, symbols of cultural values, and social messages delivered to the audiences. Thus, the structure and the mainframe of Mamanda remain the same as it was. Other things that experience changes in Mamanda performing art are the dresses, music, some improvisation and art expressions.
The Mamanda reached not only South Kalimantan, but also other regions including Kutai, East Kalimantan, Indonesia. In addition, Mamanda becomes known and performed in one of region in Sumatra Island that is Tembilahan Sub-district, Indragiri Hilir District, Riau Province, Indonesia. The development of Mamanda in Tembilahan is something to do with the history of Banjar community exodus from South Kalimantan to the region. This theme will be discussed in depth in other chapters.
2. Forms of Mamanda
2.1. Players
Like other traditional performing arts, Mamanda is an art expression that shows the character of the players embroiling in the scene. Some of them play as the main player while the rest as supporting ones. The former should present in every scene while the last is expected to show up when the scene needs them.
The main players in Mamanda are:
1. Sultan
2. Mangkubumi (Deputy)
3. Wazir (Minister)
4. Perdana Menteri (Prime Minister)
5. Panglima perang (Commander)
6. Harapan I and Harapan II
7. Khadam/Badut (Joker)
8. Sandut/Putri (Princess)
The players who acted as Sultan should be good looking, interesting and have clear voice. The role of Sultan, to manage the whole sultanate administration, will be played by Mangkubumi provided that the Sultan is sick or has activities outside the palace. For the sultanate’s affairs, the Sultan consults Wazir (Minister). Harapan I and Harapan II, in charge of security affairs and meeting administration, are under the monitor of Perdana Menteri. Khadam or badut is to entertain to the people especially to putri/sandut.
The supporting players in Mamanda are:
1. Anak Sultan
2. Anak muda (Young man)
3. Dayang (Ladies)
4. Komplotan bial/penyamun (Robber)
5. Raja jin (King of genie)
6. Orang miskin (The needy)
7. Orang tua (Wise man)
2.2. The Order of Performance
The stage appearance of Mamanda players is codified chronologically. Prior to the Sultanate meeting, some dances and songs, usually called baladon or ladun, are performed. The number of players in baladon is uneven; one of them, act as the leader while the others as the followers. Afterwards the players will go to the stage one after another. Below is the order:
1. Harapan I and Harapan II
Harapan I and Harapan II appear in the stage, walking to the center, right beside the table court of Sultan. Both of them will mention their names, positions and their ability.
2. Perdana Menteri
Perdana Menteri will walk forward and stand behind the Harapan I and Harapan II . As previous, the Perdana Menteri states his name and duty. Then, he inspects works of both Harapan.
3. Sultan and his Staff
After receiving report from the Perdana Menteri, the Sultan enters the courtroom followed by his staff including Mangkubumi, Wazir, and Perdana Menteri. Sitting on the chair, the Sultan moves his stick and appraises the works of Harapan. Like Harapan and Perdana Menteri, the Sultan also mentions his name, position and responsibility. He also sings a song that commended his Sultanate. Some of the examples of the songs are:
a. Dua Mamanda Banyu Song
Batari yadan wayuhai lanya pangbastari yadan sayang saying
Angkaumu dangar, kasian banarai barpai sayang lanya pang barpari yadan sayang sayang
Salama saya dinagni pang dinagni
Salama lanya pang la sayang, yadan sayang sayang
Ramai bagaimana, ramai bagaimana, waduhai Ayahnda Wazir nang kusayangi nagri, dalam lanya pang, la nagri yadan sayang sayang
Ramai bagaimana, Ayahnda, Mamanda Mangkubumi nang kusayangi nagri di dalam lanya la nagri yadan sayang saya
b. Dua Mamanda Tubau Song
Aduhai wazir
Usullah Darmawan
Aduhai wazir
Usullah Darmawan
Cukup atawa bukan
Waduhai uang pemberian
Yalan yalan yalan
Dengan sabanar jua wayuhai nang
Lamak sadang mangatakan
Betalah mangatakan, katakan,
betalah mangatakan
Yalan yalan yalan
The Sultan, together with his staff, sing and dance. The stage is full of laugh and happiness. Sultan, then, expresses his thank to the audience.
4. Panglima Perang
If the Sultan has sons, they should go to the stage before wards. They will be accompanied by several ladies. Sultan, after that, orders Harapan I and Harapan II to pick Panglima Perang up to the courtroom. At the end of meeting, the players will walk backside of the stage. Occasionally, some dances and songs are performed to fill the time.
5. Other Players
In this scene, the players will go to the stage in order, according to the main script.
6. Anak (Son of ) Sultan “Kurang Satu Empat Puluh”
This scene constitutes the last part of Mamanda folk theatre. The main performance is babujukan, asking for marriage conducted by Anak Sultan “Kurang Satu Empat Puluh”. Babujukan is mainly the dialogue mixed with dances and songs. Besides, Anak Sultan will try to get his loved princess through flattery.
Each player going to the stage will be introduced by different monologues, according to their roles. The monologue will give brief information about the players, his name, position, competency, duties, and responsibilities.
2.3. Language
In Mamanda, language is a means of communication to conduct a dialogue. There are two kinds of languages used in Mamanda
1. Language Used in the Sultanate Meetings
It is Malay Language with Dutch dialect and structure. It is so since the Mamanda first emerged in the colonial time.
2. Language Used outside the Sultanate Meetings
Outside the Sultanate meetings, Banjar Language is used to communicate between the players. Banjar Language is the combination between Malay language and old Java Language.
2.4. Clothing
The main clothing of Mamande folk theatre is the traditional costume of Banjar, consisting of clothes used for formal events such as meeting, court and informal events. Those clothes are used by the Sultan, noblemen, officials, prominent figures and commoners. Those clothes are:
1. Laung (headband).
2. Kamban naga balimbur.
3. Seluar singkat berliris tepi.
4. Belt, made of woven fabric with gold embroidery, like ukal belt, miring belt, and long belt used above the knee.
5. Main clothing, consisting of cloth used inside and outside. The last is usually knitted with gold yarn. The clothing for men is different from that for women. The women players usually wear baju kurung (Malay traditional clothing like dress), covered the chest and its length till the knee. They also use glove, long kebaya with gold yarn in its fringe; small droplets about three to five are put in its sleeve
Besides, the women also use the adornment of Banjar like:
1. Cucuk baju: pancar matahari, bulan saliris, and bulu ayam made of gold and silver.
2. Bracelet: kelana bracelet, jepon bracelet, marjan bracelet, and gelang rantai (chained bracelet).
3. Cucuk galing: daun, kembang sisir, and kembang goyang.
4. Necklace, such as cekak necklace, madapun necklace, marjan necklace, and tabu-tabu karawang.
5. Galung decoration: kembang goyang and untaian kembang melati (string of jasmine)..
6. Ring: agar mayang ring, batu ring, etc.
7. Rawing: rawing bulus, baitan, kili-kili, and bonil berumbai.
Specifically, below are the details of Banjar clothing used by the players:
1. Sultan
The Sultan wears seluar bersirit tepi (cloth with small droplets) He puts crown, adorned with fur of white bird, on his head.
2. Prime Minister
The clothing worn by the Prime Minister is quite similar to that worn by the Sultan with slight difference. The Prime Minister, different from Sultan, doesn’t put the crown on his head; sometimes he doesn’t use any headgears.
3. Wazir (Minister)
The Wazir usually wears the inside cloth that is longer than the outside. He covers his head with the headgear with circle brim.
4. Panglima Perang
Panglima perang uses clothing with small droplets and he is equipped with sword. Lotus made of gold yarn is put on his shoulder. His headgear is laung, or like what is used by the other polices.
5. Harapan I dan Harapan II
Harapan I dan harapan II wear the clothing similar that used by cowboy, but with some small droplets. Both bring weapon and headgear.
6. Princess
The princess usually puts kebaya (blouse) or Baju Kurung (Malay traditional dress for women) on. She also wears crown.
7. Raja Jin (King Genie)
Commonly, Raja jin has mask on. If not, the Raja jin will cover his face with charcoal or red chalk.
8. Robber
The robbers use a headgear similar to the hat used usually in the western theatre. In addition, they use black glasses.
9. Young man
The young man usually uses white t-shirt with black bow tie.
2.5. The Performance
The performance of Mamanda is basically simple and quite spontaneous. The instruments needed can be easily found, the point is the suitability with the need of Mamanda scenario. Regarding the place, Mamanda can be performed anywhere; it needs only stage and spaces for the audiences.
The main equipments are chair and table, which are arranged according to scenario and plot. The performance is usually opened by emitting sounds to tell the audiences that the Mamanda will be commenced soon. The players will introduce themselves, interspersed with songs and dances. Afterwards, they will act like what has been written in the script. Each player will appear in the stage according to the scenario. Not only dialogue, but also dances and song that are shown in the stage. All of which are combined to vary the atmosphere. Some satires and constructive critiques are also conveyed within the dialogue. The players in Mamanda are demanded to improvise their role during the performance.
2.6. Stories in the Script
The scenario of Mamanda is varied; it can be history, romantic, critique, social, and information. It is written from various sources and is adapted usually from hikayat, syair, 1001 night story, romantic books, history books, folk story, or it can use the common problem of current society as its main background. From those sources, the main story is created to be clear-cut message, white and black, good and bad, or angel and devil. The scenario in Mamanda, therefore, is simple and easily digested by the audiences. They can tell difference between what is accepted and is rejected. The audiences will not find any difficulties in comprehending the whole story and also find it easy the very moral message that is being delivered.
2.7. Accompanying Music
During the performance, the folk theatre of Mamanda is combined with music, in forms of pantun (quatrain), syair (poem), hikayat (story), and dialogue, all of which are presented in arranged rhythm. The often songs chanted during the Mamanda are:
1. Dua Harapan Song
2. Dua Raja Song
3. Dua Gandut Song
4. Raja Sarik Song
5. Tarima Kasih (Sultan) Song
6. Baladun Song
7. Mambujuk Song
8. Danding Song
9. Nasib Song
10. Tirik Song
11. Japen Song
12. Mandung-mandungan Song
13. Stambul Song.
3. Cultural Values
Not only for entertainment, the Mamanda is also performed for delivering some moral messages to the audiences. Like other performing arts, Mamanda took the setting of society as its main frame. It narrates and questions everyday life in form of artistic performance and dialogue. According to Hermansyah (2007), folk theatre functions, besides as a means of expression of artists and entertainment, it is also educational tools for the society.
Looking at the plot of Mamanda, it can be found that most of stories used in the theatre are related to the human life. Those stories convey some important moral messages which one can take it as a guidance; they tell us about certain chapter of human life and teach us how to take it as an example. Even those stories reveal the worldview of society and their traditions. It means that, through Mamanda, the audiences can feel the beauty of Mamanda. At the same time, Mamanda also calls them to comprehend the experiences and suggestions presented in the performing art; that all bad deed, disloyalty, dishonesty, all of which will end in failure at last. What presented in Mamanda, more often than not, be the moral reference for the society.
Besides, Mamanda functions as a means of social critics. The players of Mamanda always provide satire and critique of social imbalance, injustice, and crime occurred in the society. Therefore, this form of performing art can be also interesting media for the society to convey their aspirations and hopes. In other words, Mamanda is a means of democratization within the local culture.
4. Mamanda in Tembilahan
Besides in South Kalimantan, the folk theatre of Mamanda is also popular amongst the population of Tembilahan Sub-district, Indragiri Hilir District, Riau Province, Indonesia. How the Mamanda could win the heart of Tembilahan people? The main reason for that is the wave of Banjarnese migration from South Kalimantan to Tembilahan that happened in the 19th century.
Looking at the exodus of Banjarnese, the next question is why such intriguing phenomenon happened? Problem and circumstance in South Kalimantan had encouraged some people to leave the region and find the new one.
There are at least 11 ethnics of Banjarnese living in Tembilahan, Indragiri Hilir District namely Banjar Keluak, Banjar Amuntai, Banjarnegara, Banjar Kandangan, Banjar Barabai, Banjar Kuala, Banjarmasin, Banjar Pamengkeh, Banjar Martapura, Banjar Alabio, and Banjar Rantau. Among those ethnics, only three of them dominated the population of migrant that are Banjar Keluak, Banjar Amuntai, and Banjar Kandangan. Those people, along with their move, carried the art of Mamanda and developed it in the new homeland.
The first wave of migration happened in 1859 A.D. The travel from Banjar to Tembilahan, which took long time, was motivated by the increasing pressure of the Dutch colonialism. The situation worsened as the Dutch succeeded at conquering the Banjarmasin Kingdom. The colonialists stipulated unpopular policy, called in Banjarnese irakan. This policy, same to kerja rodi, coerced the people into labor-intensive work. Hoping the better future, those people migrated to several areas, most of them to Tembilahan.
Why did they choose Tembilahan? At an onset, they were about to settle either in Malaysia or Singapore. According to the 1824 A.D. London Treaty, both countries were under the rule of Great Britain. Those Banjarnese thought that the life under British’s rule was better than Dutch’s, popular as their inhuman treatment to the inlanders. However, desperate to the same circumstance under Britain, they continued the journey, and arrived in Indragiri Hilir in 1885 A.D. Perigi Raja was their first area to settle.
One of ethnics in Tembilahan, Arbain, had ever organized an association of Mamanda, Perkumpulan Mamanda Parit Empat Belas. It is estimated to happen prior to 1950 A.D (between 1947-1949 A.D.). In 1950 A.D., Encik Arbain handed over the leadership of Perkumpulan Mamanda Parit Empat Belas to Encik Usman Ancau. His period marked the fast development of Mamanda. The story used in Mamanda still based on old literature such as Hikayat and Syair. In 1960 A.D., there was a shift amongst Mamanda artists to use the stories of people surrounding them. The musical instruments used in Mamanda was combined the modern instruments like violin, guitar, and accordion.
The activities of arts were banned following the incident of G 30 S/PKI/1965. Encik Abdul Hamid restarted the Mamanda Parit Empat Belas in 1967 A.D. By then, about 12 associations of Mamanda were established. However, those associations were lost in the mists of time. Up to now, only two associations, Mamamanda Parit Empat Belas Association headed by Encik Ardani, and Mamanda Pulau Palas Association, that still exist.
References
Asmuni, F Raji. “Mamanda Nasibmu Kini”, in http://www.banjarmasinpost.co.id/content/view/7438/92/, retrieved on January 28th 2008.
Hermansyah. 2007. Mamanda Sebuah Teater Eksodus. Yogyakarta: Balai Kajian dan Pengembangan Budaya Melayu in cooperation with Adicita Publisher .
“Mamanda yang Makin Pudar”, in http://www.indomedia.com/bpost/052005/1/ragam/ragam2.htm, retrieved on Desember 24th 2007.
Wednesday, February 13, 2008
Menginformasikan bahwa telah terbit buku baru:
Judul : "Pembagian Harta Gono-Gini Saat Terjadi Perceraian"
Penulis : Happy Susanto
Penerbit : Visimedia Pustaka Jakarta
Ukuran : 13 x 20 cm
Cetakan : 1, Februari 2008
Tebal : x + 110 halaman
ISBN : 979-104-393-0
Harga: Rp. 18.500,00
Abstrak
Masalah harta gono-gini ini sering menjadi isu hangat di masyarakat kita. Yang pada akhirnya menyita perhatian media, terutama pemberitaan perceraian di antara sejumlah artis yang sampai pada perselisihan tentang pembagian harta gono-gini. Kasus-kasus perceraian mengenai pembagian harta gono-gini di kalangan artis atau pejabat sering di-blow up oleh media massa.
Membahas masalah harta gono-gini sangat penting dalam kehidupan rumah tangga. Masalah ini bisa menyangkut pengurusan, penggunaan, dan pembagian harta gono-gini jika ternyata hubungan perkawinan pasangan suami istri itu "bubar", entah karena perceraian maupun kematian.
Pasangan suami istri yang bercerai biasanya akan disibukkan dengan urusan pembagian harta gono-gini. Bahkan, menurut kenyataan yang sering terjadi di masyarakat, masalah ini kerap menyebabkan proses perceraian menjadi berbelit-belit. Perceraian yang hanya tinggal selangkah lagi justru malah menjadi runyam. Mereka selalu berdebat dan menyoalkan mana yang menjadi bagiannya dalam harta gono-gini. Masing-masing pihak saling mengklaim bahwa dirinya yang berhak mendapatkan jatah harta gono-gini lebih besar dibandingkan pasangannya.
Berdasarkan hukum positif yang berlaku di Indonesia, harta gono-gini itu diatur dalam UU No. 1 Tahun 1974 tentang Perkawinan, Kitab Undang-undang Hukum Perdata (KUHPer), dan Kompilasi Hukum Islam (KHI). Pengaturan harta gono-gini ini diakui secara hukum, termasuk dalam hal pengurusan, penggunaan, dan pembagiannya. Ketentuan tentang harta gono-gini juga diatur dalam hukum Islam. Pembahasan hukum harta gono-gini, baik menurut hukum positif maupun hukum Islam, dibahas secara mendalam dalam buku ini.
Buku ini juga mengulas secara mendalam pembahasan mengenai perjanjian perkawinan. Penyelesaian masalah pembagian harta gono-gini jarang sekali diselesaikan secara tuntas dan memuaskan karena banyak pasangan suami istri yang tidak membuat perjanjian perkawinan sebelum menikah. Padahal, perjanjian ini sangat penting sebagai pedoman jika suatu saat nanti pasangan suami istri terpaksa harus bercerai karena permasalahan rumah tangga mereka yang tidak bisa diselesaikan dengan cara damai.
Perbincangan tentang harta gono-gini dan juga perjanjian perkawinan sering luput dari perhatian masyarakat karena mereka sering menganggap perkawinan adalah suatu perbuatan yang suci sehingga tidak etis jika membicarakan masalah harta benda material. Namun faktanya, perbincangan mengenai isu-isu itu sangat penting sebagai panduan bagi pasangan suami istri dalam mengarungi bahtera rumah tangga.
Dengan membaca buku ini diharapkan masyarakat di tanah air dapat memahami secara jelas bagaimana pengaturan harta gono-gini yang sesungguhnya. Sehingga, diharapkan buku ini juga bisa memberikan kontribusi pemikiran yang berarti dalam perbincangan seputar harta gono-gini.
Berikut ini adalah daftar isi buku ini:
Prakata
Bab I: Konsep Harta Gono-Gini dalam Perkawinan
A. Definisi Harta Gono-Gini
B. Realitas Harta Gono-Gini
C. Dasar Hukum Harta Gono-Gini
D. Harta Gono-Gini Menurut Hukum Adat
E. Klasifikasi Harta Benda dalam Perkawinan
F. Sifat dan Luasnya Harta Gono-Gini
G. Bubarnya Harta Gono-Gini
Bab II: Ketentuan Hukum Positif tentang Harta Gono-Gini
A. Ketentuan Umum Hukum Harta Gono-Gini
a. Pengurusan Harta Gono-Gini
b. Hak Istri dalam Harta Gono-Gini
c. Penggunaan Harta Gono-Gini
d. Harta Gono-Gini dalam Perkawinan Poligami
B. Pembagian Harta Gono-Gini
a. Cerai Hidup
b. Cerai Mati
c. Perkawinan Poligami
C. Aspek Keadilan dalam Harta Gono-Gini
D. Kiat Strategis Perhitungan Harta Gono-Gini
Bab III: Harta Gono-Gini dalam Perspektif Hukum Islam
A. Pandangan Umum Hukum Islam
a. Pandangan Umum
b. Pemetaan Pandangan
c. Batasan Harta Istri
B. Konsep Syirkah dan Harta Gono-Gini
a. Pengertian Syirkah
b. Macam-Macam Syirkah
c. Bentuk Syirkah dalam Harta Gono-Gini
C. Pembagian Harta Gono-Gini Secara Adil
Bab IV: Perjanjian Perkawinan
A. Seputar Perjanjian Perkawinan
a. Definisi Perjanjian Perkawinan
b. Tujuan Perjanjian Perkawinan
B. Manfaat Perjanjian Perkawinan
C. Peraturan tentang Perjanjian Perkawinan
a. Dasar Hukum
b. Masa Berlakunya Perjanjian Perkawinan
c. Syarat Perjanjian Perkawinan
d. Isi Perjanjian Perkawinan
Daftar Pustaka
Tentang Penulis
Happy Susanto
hpysusanto@yahoo.co.id
08174849877
VISI MEDIA
Jl. H. Montong No. 57 Ciganjur-Jagakarsa Jakarta Selatan 12630
Phone: 021 788 83030
Fax: 021 727 0996
Penulis : Happy Susanto
Penerbit : Visimedia Pustaka Jakarta
Ukuran : 13 x 20 cm
Cetakan : 1, Februari 2008
Tebal : x + 110 halaman
ISBN : 979-104-393-0
Harga: Rp. 18.500,00
Abstrak
Masalah harta gono-gini ini sering menjadi isu hangat di masyarakat kita. Yang pada akhirnya menyita perhatian media, terutama pemberitaan perceraian di antara sejumlah artis yang sampai pada perselisihan tentang pembagian harta gono-gini. Kasus-kasus perceraian mengenai pembagian harta gono-gini di kalangan artis atau pejabat sering di-blow up oleh media massa.
Membahas masalah harta gono-gini sangat penting dalam kehidupan rumah tangga. Masalah ini bisa menyangkut pengurusan, penggunaan, dan pembagian harta gono-gini jika ternyata hubungan perkawinan pasangan suami istri itu "bubar", entah karena perceraian maupun kematian.
Pasangan suami istri yang bercerai biasanya akan disibukkan dengan urusan pembagian harta gono-gini. Bahkan, menurut kenyataan yang sering terjadi di masyarakat, masalah ini kerap menyebabkan proses perceraian menjadi berbelit-belit. Perceraian yang hanya tinggal selangkah lagi justru malah menjadi runyam. Mereka selalu berdebat dan menyoalkan mana yang menjadi bagiannya dalam harta gono-gini. Masing-masing pihak saling mengklaim bahwa dirinya yang berhak mendapatkan jatah harta gono-gini lebih besar dibandingkan pasangannya.
Berdasarkan hukum positif yang berlaku di Indonesia, harta gono-gini itu diatur dalam UU No. 1 Tahun 1974 tentang Perkawinan, Kitab Undang-undang Hukum Perdata (KUHPer), dan Kompilasi Hukum Islam (KHI). Pengaturan harta gono-gini ini diakui secara hukum, termasuk dalam hal pengurusan, penggunaan, dan pembagiannya. Ketentuan tentang harta gono-gini juga diatur dalam hukum Islam. Pembahasan hukum harta gono-gini, baik menurut hukum positif maupun hukum Islam, dibahas secara mendalam dalam buku ini.
Buku ini juga mengulas secara mendalam pembahasan mengenai perjanjian perkawinan. Penyelesaian masalah pembagian harta gono-gini jarang sekali diselesaikan secara tuntas dan memuaskan karena banyak pasangan suami istri yang tidak membuat perjanjian perkawinan sebelum menikah. Padahal, perjanjian ini sangat penting sebagai pedoman jika suatu saat nanti pasangan suami istri terpaksa harus bercerai karena permasalahan rumah tangga mereka yang tidak bisa diselesaikan dengan cara damai.
Perbincangan tentang harta gono-gini dan juga perjanjian perkawinan sering luput dari perhatian masyarakat karena mereka sering menganggap perkawinan adalah suatu perbuatan yang suci sehingga tidak etis jika membicarakan masalah harta benda material. Namun faktanya, perbincangan mengenai isu-isu itu sangat penting sebagai panduan bagi pasangan suami istri dalam mengarungi bahtera rumah tangga.
Dengan membaca buku ini diharapkan masyarakat di tanah air dapat memahami secara jelas bagaimana pengaturan harta gono-gini yang sesungguhnya. Sehingga, diharapkan buku ini juga bisa memberikan kontribusi pemikiran yang berarti dalam perbincangan seputar harta gono-gini.
Berikut ini adalah daftar isi buku ini:
Prakata
Bab I: Konsep Harta Gono-Gini dalam Perkawinan
A. Definisi Harta Gono-Gini
B. Realitas Harta Gono-Gini
C. Dasar Hukum Harta Gono-Gini
D. Harta Gono-Gini Menurut Hukum Adat
E. Klasifikasi Harta Benda dalam Perkawinan
F. Sifat dan Luasnya Harta Gono-Gini
G. Bubarnya Harta Gono-Gini
Bab II: Ketentuan Hukum Positif tentang Harta Gono-Gini
A. Ketentuan Umum Hukum Harta Gono-Gini
a. Pengurusan Harta Gono-Gini
b. Hak Istri dalam Harta Gono-Gini
c. Penggunaan Harta Gono-Gini
d. Harta Gono-Gini dalam Perkawinan Poligami
B. Pembagian Harta Gono-Gini
a. Cerai Hidup
b. Cerai Mati
c. Perkawinan Poligami
C. Aspek Keadilan dalam Harta Gono-Gini
D. Kiat Strategis Perhitungan Harta Gono-Gini
Bab III: Harta Gono-Gini dalam Perspektif Hukum Islam
A. Pandangan Umum Hukum Islam
a. Pandangan Umum
b. Pemetaan Pandangan
c. Batasan Harta Istri
B. Konsep Syirkah dan Harta Gono-Gini
a. Pengertian Syirkah
b. Macam-Macam Syirkah
c. Bentuk Syirkah dalam Harta Gono-Gini
C. Pembagian Harta Gono-Gini Secara Adil
Bab IV: Perjanjian Perkawinan
A. Seputar Perjanjian Perkawinan
a. Definisi Perjanjian Perkawinan
b. Tujuan Perjanjian Perkawinan
B. Manfaat Perjanjian Perkawinan
C. Peraturan tentang Perjanjian Perkawinan
a. Dasar Hukum
b. Masa Berlakunya Perjanjian Perkawinan
c. Syarat Perjanjian Perkawinan
d. Isi Perjanjian Perkawinan
Daftar Pustaka
Tentang Penulis
Happy Susanto
hpysusanto@yahoo.co.id
08174849877
VISI MEDIA
Jl. H. Montong No. 57 Ciganjur-Jagakarsa Jakarta Selatan 12630
Phone: 021 788 83030
Fax: 021 727 0996
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